


COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT. 













5 





The Political History of America 

Illustrated in Four Colors 


VIVIDLY PICTURED BY PRESIDl 


tNTIAL ADMINISTRATION 


l^ou See the United States Grow from Thirteen Small^ lU'’ak and Debt Burdened Colonies 

i 

to the Great Union of Forty\eight Powerful States 


THIS UNIQUE PICTURE BRINGS TO THE M^ND A CLEAR AND COMPREHENSIVE 
UNDERSTANDING OF AMERICA’S POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT IMPOSSIBLE 

TO OBTAIN FROM ANY WORD DESCRIPTION 


Supplemented with a Complete^ Concise^ Up-to-date Narrative History of Our Country by 


Presidential Ndwi 


imstrations 


COPYRIGHT, 1 




ISSUED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF 

THE EDUCATIONAL ASSOCIATES 

BOSTON, MASSACHUSETTS, U.S.A. 














the world s FIRS'! 


FREE GOVERNMEJ>rr 


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T/!€ /Dec/ana t/'o/7 o/" /ac/e/^enc/cnc i^eamz/yates 

^n^//ah nu/&. the Conf/acn ta/ Oor?ya€^s pyas Me yeaer>- 
a/ youera/ay jboc^ Co/oa/ea7^aoa7 /776 to /y^^. tut eact^ 

Co/oni/ acted /a(7e/)eac/caf/y, uat/t Oae ty oae t/?ey adopted tte 

67 S C onst/tut/oa 


BIRTH “"FREE GOVERNMENT 

The Original 
13 Colonies 

Adopted the Constitution of the 

United States 

On the ddtes indicd ted where theStdte begins 


Thomds 


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De/dwate. 

Pennsyti/ania. 
NewJetsey. 

Geotgia. 
Connecticut, 
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Maty/and. 
South Carolina. 
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Virginia. 

New Yorp. 


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Our Country Has Become The Greatest 

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The. PoLiT/cA z_ H / story of Our Country. 

The ebo\femspshotvs the territory sddedto our nations/domoin oi various periods. 
Each division shows ihe states into which the territory was divided. 

Each state begins at the date when it is adm i tied into the Union. 

The name of each Govenor is given for each term of service. 

The poiiticaiparty in power for each Govenor's term is indicated by the color. 

The potiticdt portiesare represented by para/tet streams. The great parties be/ng in color. 

The Presidents and Cdbmeis are given for each term The backgroundcolonndicdling thepoh/icaiparty then in power. 
The candidates of the great parties are given for each prestdeniia i campaign with votes received by each. 
The Supreme Court is given for each presidential term. 

The pohricat party con troll in g each House of Congress is shown and when the sessions were he 


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The Original United States 

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The Original Territory of the Co/onies ex ten de at fo the 
Mississippi River. Gradua/ty divided info 2S states.13 of 
Vihich v/ere TheOriginaf Colonies. The other /2 were 
admitted fofheUnion as indicated in this dtv/ston. 


Our Louisiana Purchase 

ft 

Acquired of FRANCEyHRouGH Napoleon, for iS.OOO.OOO. 
Comprising fheTrench Cession,Louisiana Territory. ” 

Dividedinto/3states=Louisiandddm/ttedJ8/2.M/ssQurf,1821. 
Arkansas,l836./owa.l846J1innesota.f858Hgnsas./86t/\/ebras/faJ867. 
Colorado,/876./1onfana. t889 No Dakota. /889.3o. Dakota, 7889. 
Wyoming,l890./nd Territory with Ok/ahomo. 


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Texas Annexation Comprising theState of Texas. Annexed /84S\ 


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ORIGIN OF OUR GREAT POLITICAL PARTIES 


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Formation of the Wohd’s First Real Republic 


The First Government of The P' 






\ STORY OF OUR NATION'S POLITICAL ACHIEVEMENT'S 

j Edited by Francis Curtis 

i AUTHOR of HISTORY of REPUBLICAN PARTY—INTRODUCTION by THEODORE ROOSEVlir 
? Also AUTHOR of HISTORY of DEMOCRATIC PARTY—HISTORY of AMERICAN TARIFF, ^tc. 


lople. By The People, For The People 




i OUR 


POLITICAL CONDITIONS AT CLOSE OF REVOLUTION 


At the close of the Revolutionary War, when the States 
entered into a compact known as the “Articles of Confedera¬ 
tion” it was thought that peace and independence would 
bring with it success in government and material welfare. 
It was found, however, that the confederacy would prove a 
failure—first, because of a conflict of state government; 
second, because of the inability to raise revenue to pay the 
debt incurred during the War or to carry on the Govern¬ 
ment in the future. 

It was seen that stronger government was necessary or 
some more potent tie to bind the States in one harrnonious 
plan, and a convention was finally suggested to revise the 
“Articles of Confederation.” This convention met m 
among its members being Washington, who was elected its 
president, Benjamin Franklin, then more than eighty years 
of age, Alexander Hamilton and many others. After months 
of deliberation a Constitution was framed and, though it 
met with considerable opposition, was finally adopted, in 








I 


ADMINISTRATION OF GEORGE W ASH IN GT O 

FIRST PRESIDEN T — 1 7 8 9 - 9 7 — FE D E R A L PARTY IN P O W 
FINANCIAL POLICY INAUGURATED — WHISKEY REBELLION — FIRST INDIAN TREA 


the midst of the opposition and to overcome the iihuence 
tending towards its rejection, Hamilton and Jay t ggther 
with Madison published a series of essays over the si' nature 
'Publius,” which were afterwards collected and pt )iished 
under the title of “The Federalist.” These articles n^ doubt 
influenced many wavering minds towards accepting tl > con¬ 
stitution, but at the same time fostered a divided sej timent 
and created what may be called the formation of tw great 
political parties, then known as the “Federal” and "Anti- 
Federal." The Federalists, of course, favored the esAblish- 
ment of a central government after the plan marked out in 
the Constitution, while the Anti-Federalists were in f vor of 
State sovereignty. After the Constitution had been i lopted 
and ratified by the States, however, many of the Anti 
Federalists became its defenders and while the nami ; were 
continued they referred rather to the Interpretation p con¬ 
struction of the provisions of the Constitution than, Jg pre¬ 
viously, to its adoption. 

IN 

R 

ITY 






Washington was not inaugurated until the 30th of April, 
1789, at Federal Hall, New York City, although the inaugura¬ 
tion of the new government had been fixed for the hrst 
Wednesday in March, which fell on the 4th of the month, 
and has since continued as the date for our presidential 

1^0,1 CTT •] T'O Flo T\ ^ 

■rhe new House of Representatives had gathered leisurely 
and, there being a quorum, on the 1st of April the work of 
legislation was immediately entered upon; but with the 
exception of minor enactments no bill was framed till the 
first tariff law, ■which passed both houses and was signed by 
the President cn Juiy 4. This “tariff law” has been Pointed 
to by protectionists since as containing the basic principle 
of their belief as shown in its preamble, as follow's: 

“Whereas, it is necessary for the support of the Govern¬ 
ment, for the discharge of the debt of the United States, 
and for the encouragement and protection of manufactures, 
that duties be laid on imported goods—therefore, be it en- 

It is W0ll to call attention to the principles laid down in 
this preamble of the first important law pass^ by 
national Legislature for the reason that the tariff questmn 
has been a contention between all political parties since 
that time, more prominently, however, since the close or 

A^nationaf income was at once secured, but the revenues 
proving insufficient, duties were from time to time iiicreased 
and the new Government at once gained the respect of other 

soon became necessary to carry out the provisions of 
the Constitution relating to new offices, and Congress at <mce 
passed bills to form three departments. The State, at first 
called “Foreign Affairs, Treasury, and Y^ar. The Post 
office department, already established, '''’as simply continued 
and the office of Attorney-General was established, at first 
as a personal office and not an executive departnmnL 

Jefferson, upon his return from France, was made S^re 
tary of State, and at once became the leader of a sentiment 
and of a faction, at first, and then of a party opposed to the 

^‘^"’Himifton^'although but thirty-two years of age, was 
made ^^cretary of the Treasury and became the leading 
supporter of the administration. Knox, who -i^^s made 
Secretary of War, took sides with Hamilton, while Randolph, 
who hid been ’appointed Attorney-General, agreed with 

Jeff^son. session of the first Congress, federal courts 

were established and circuit and district courts were also 
provided for in addition to the Supreme Court. In order to 
avoid confusion of interpretation of the national laws Pro¬ 
vision made that an appeal could be had from the 

SnT>reme Court of any State to the Supreme Court of the 
Ignited States, in consequence of which the 

if'wQ was to be secured without conflict with the 
^nlTr^lntV'oflny S°tatl. "john Jay was appointed as first 

''‘^'"peSs"th°I mIsfX'onanttrsk undertaken as depart- 

ffi®IonLctffin withThI fina^nc^r*^^^^ 

?lk“^1iI°deWThe LUt^ed^Smes wTs"aboutir4°000,000 an! 

themselves A bill was framed and final^ passea 
n^!liding hi accordance with the suggestion of Hamilton, 

Irln^ debL^aUhoCIh "the propo^arto^ a^sCme !he 

of the States met with vigorous opposition and a bill fo 

AmOTC!hT|llL"^ oC Hamhton for the payment of the 

mllymg aroun term the two parties were in direct oppo- 

Washington s ^ ^ political division which had now 

sition to each other and tne pm administration 

hT a nim! of Us own instead of any longer 
was dignified by ^ called the “Repub- 

belng simply an ^^gt?|'Cdopted that name, though many 
nV^%"heTed^eralfsts irSfon and contempt styled it the 
of the * V,, pause its opinions and views seemed 

Tn^rXCt large^rtL femicratic ideas which Jefferson had 
glilld while'^Milister to France. It was nearly a generation. 


hoivever, before the members of the Republican parts 
selves accepted and used the name “Democrat” ins 


‘Republican,” although it was sometimes used in hypi enated 
















them- 
ead of 


era tic. 
livided 
opin- 
mte of 
le new 
ability 


form as Democratic-Republican or Republican-Dem 

While the President’s cabinet seems to have been 
against itself in a continuous, irreconcilable conflict c 
ion, still Washington himself received the unanimous 
the people and of the electors for a second term. T- 
Government through his indefatigable efforts for s' 
and peace had proven itself capable of showing stlength, 
both financially and industrially. In short, the Rgpublic 
was a success and there was no longer any doubt a;' to its 
perpetuity. 

Hardly had Washington been inaugurated the second 
time before the differences of party leaders grew mit-e and 
more marked, even to the point of acrimony and bit erness. 
John Adams was chosen Vice-President and it soon ^came 
apparent that he would be the candidate of the Fed iralists 
in 1796—while Jefferson had no rival as the Repibiican 

1 ^ .<9 IHrj 4-\^ -kViy-v ^ 1 ‘ ‘'\'XrV» i olr t-» _ 


leader. With the exception of the so-called “Whisl 


iy Re- 



ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN ADAMS 

SECOND PRESIDENT —FOUR Y E ARS — 1 7 9 7 -1 8 0 1—F ED ER ALI ST S IN POWER 
WAR WITH FRANCE FEARED — FEDERALIST PARTY OVERTHROWN 












bellion,” which was simply a resistance of the excise 1 iw and 
which was finally put down by decisive action led by Hamil¬ 
ton himself, the chief problems of Washington’s adm nistra- 
tion were those connected with our foreign poiicy. V e were 
independent of any European power and yet from an indus¬ 
trial and commercial standpoint we were compa itively 
weak. England sent no Minister to this country un n 1791 
and the Treaty of 1783 was apparently forgotten. 'I le war 
between France and England broke out in 1793 and the United 
States was at once placed in an embarrassing and • elicate 
position. While England was inclined to be very a rogant 
and independent, France at once showed a disposi ,jon to 
court our favor and sent to this country a Ministei called 
Genet, who at first asked and then demanded favoi 5 from 
the government — finally behaving himself so outra ;eously 
that Washington asked for his recall. England co itinued 
her exasperating manner, but Washington insiste upon 
strict neutrality and foreign complications were for t le time 
avoided. John Jay was sent as a special envoy to 1 ngland 
and a treaty was finally made very favorable to Engl.'Ind and 
which met with violent opposition at home, but was finally 
ratified by the Senate. 

While we were embarrassed with foreign affairs ^he In¬ 
dians began to give trouble at home and it was necei jary in 
1790 that an expedition be sent to punish those trilEg who 
had been attacking civilized men and women. After one or 
two expeditions had been entirely routed by the 3 adians, 
Washington, in 1794, gave to General Anthony Wa; ne the 
command of an army which completely defeated the Indians 
and which was followed by a treaty with the chiefs. 

Hamilton and Jefferson both resign jd frorn theii offices 
during the close of Washington’s adm.Aistration ana other 
cabinet changes followed. Three new States had b" en ad¬ 
mitted to the Union—Vermont in 1791, 1 Kentucky, formed 
from the western part of Virginia, in l'ii92, and Tei nessee, 
in 1796. 

The eleventh amendment to the Constitution wig pro¬ 
posed in 1794, but not adopted until four years later. Wash¬ 
ington declined to consider a third term and in Sep .ember, 
1796, issued a farewell address, which rem'ains am(|ng our 
most historic national documents. His adminiEfi-ation, 
although constantly surrounded by the perils whic 1 must 
always engulf a new government, was eminently successful, 
Washington’s own courage and perseverance being largely 
responsible for this success, and yet he was largely aided by 
his cabinet, particularly Hamilton, who brought the iSnanceS 
of the country out of chaos into such order as to cejmmand 
not only the respect of foreign countries, blit our owj realm 
of finance at home. As Webster said aftelward: Hamilton 
smote the rock of the . national resources and al.undant 
streams of revenue gushed forth; he touched the dr^ corpse 
of the public credit and it sprang upon its .’eet. The fabled 
birth of Minerva from the brain of Jove w.as hardly more 
sudden or more perfect than the financial .system of the 
United States as it burst from the conception of Al.xander 
Hamilton.” _ 

CAMPAIGN OF 1796 

In the election of 1796, which was contested Hi 
ously, John Adams and Thomas Pinckney, who wel 
ported by the Federalists, defeated Thomas Jeffers 
Aaron Burr, the candidates of the Republicans. As I 
candidates receiving the largest and next largest vl 
came respectively President and Vice-President, the 
rsulted in making Adams President and Jeffersoi 
President, the two leading officials of the Republi 
in direct opposition to each other, an opposition 
continued to be bitter during the entire administri 
Adams. 


With the many domestic problems which had arisen 
during the administration of Washington it had not been 

possible for us to secure that freedom abroad and on the 
high seas to which our young nation was entitled Both the 
English and the French had plundered our merchantmen and 
had impressed our seamen, neither country paying the least 
respect to our rights on the high seas. Adams deterrnined 
if possible to correct the existing abuses. Charles Pinckney 
succeeded Monroe as Minister to France, but was not re¬ 
ceived by the French government. A commission consisting 
of John Marshall, Elbridge Gerry and Pinckney were ap¬ 
pointed for the purpose of bringing France to terms, but 
nothing was accomplished, and the commission left Pans 
after being repeatedly humiliated by Talleyrand, the French 
Minister, who sent secret messengers to the commission 
bearing various dispatches and requests. The President sent 
these dispatches to Congress and as the names of the Irenen 
messengers were not given, the letters X, Y. Z, were usea, 
from which circumstances the affair has always bem known 
as the “X, Y, Z" affair. War became immment. Washing¬ 
ton was given command of a newly organized army, being 
succeeded shortly afterwards by Hamilton t)ut France, on 
seeing the preparations which were being made, assumea 
different tactics, a new commission was sent abroad anu 
friendly relations ware re-established. The X, i, z d-o.a-ir 
had the tendency to unite for a time both parties, which 
was taken advantage of by the Federalists to enact more 
severe laws against any sympathy with foreign govern¬ 
ments. These laws, passed in the summer of 1798, were 
known as the “Alien and Sedition” laws, the first, extending 
the necessary residence for naturalization to fourteen instead 
of five years—the second, authorizing the President to expel 
from the country all dangerous aliens. The ‘sedition act 
provided for the punishment of all persons who opposed the 
laws or hindered officers in their enforcement; it also made 
punishable by a fine and imprisonment anyone ^uty ot 
writing or aiding to publish anything against the President 
or Congress. These laws were intolerable and became prac¬ 


tically ineffectual, being repealed or dying by limitations. 
They, however, provoked the so-called “Kentucky and Vir¬ 
ginia Resolutions” and were the cause of the overthrow of 
the Federal party. The “Alien and Sedition” laws were un¬ 
called for and without doubt exceeded the powers of the 
Constitution, however broadly it might be construed. The 
Kentucky and Virginia resolutions, on the other hand, went 
to the other extieme in their emphasis of States’ rights, a 
doctrine which became the basis of the Hartford convention 
of 1814, Nullification in 1832 and Secession in 1861. Madison, 
who was a follower of Jefferson, framed the Virginia resolu¬ 
tions, those of Kentucky having been framed by Jefferson 
himself. They were as pernicious as the laws which Pro¬ 
voked them and the principles involved became a subject 
for contentidn and a most noteworthy part of our na^nal 
history for more than half a century. One of the last official 
acts of President Adams was the appointment of John Mar¬ 
shall as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, January 31, 1801. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1800 

The Federalist party, now divided against itself, began 
to disintegrate and the Republicans, who under the leader¬ 
ship of Jefferson were growing stronger, found it no difficult 
task to defeat Adams in the election of 1800. According to 
the manner of voting, however, both Jefferson and Burr, the 
candidates of the Republicans, received the same vote, 7o, 
while Adams and Pinckney, the candidates of the Federal¬ 
ists, received respectively 65 and 64. The tie vote for 
Jefferson and Burr threw the choice upon the House of 
Representatives, and Jefferson was elected, receiving the 
vote of ten States, while Burr, receiving the next largest 
vote of the States, was elected Vice-President. 

In order to avoid in the future similar trouble in presi¬ 
dential elections, the twelfth amendment to the Constitution 
was adopted and took effect in 1804. It provided that the 
electors should cast a ballot for President and a separate 
ballot for Vice-President. 




ADMINISTRATION OF THOMAS JEFFERSON 

THIRD PRESIDENT—EIG HT Y E A R S—1 8 0 1 - 9 . DEM.—REP. PARTY IN POWER 
LOUISIANA TERRITORY ACQUIRED—TRADE WITH FRANCE AND ENGLAND ABOLISHED 










Jefferson made Madison Secretary of State and Albert 
Gallatin Secretary of the Treasury. The Republicans, who 
had up to this time been opposed to nationalization or an 
extension of the powers of the central government, now 
that they were in control of the government at once took 
steps to broaden the scope of government and to extend our 
territory The necessity for a seaport as an outlet for the 
northwestern and western territory became apparent. It was 
the region called Louisiana, drained by the Mississippi and 
owned^by the French; it covered 864,931 square miles, em¬ 
bracing what is now Arkansas, Indian Territory, Iowa, Mis¬ 
souri, Nebraska, North and South Dakota, nearly the whole 
of Louisiana, Minnesota, Montana, Wyoming and parts or 
Colorado and Oklahoma. France, too busy v/ith preparations 
for war at home, neglected to take possession of this terri¬ 
tory which they had acquired from Spain, and it was with¬ 
out difficulty gained for the United States for the sum of 
about $15,000,000, being ceded by a treaty. Promptly ratified 
by Napoleon for France and ultimately by the United States 
Senate The acquisition of this territory marked not only 
the beginning of a great development of our national and 
industrial march toward the Pacific, but also intensified the 
already growing sentiment bound to produce such strained 
national ^feeiing and finally resulting in the Civil War 
because of the extension of territory given to Slavery. With 
the accession of Louisiana the two great political divisions 
seem to have changed their principles, the Federalists op¬ 
posing the purchase, while the Republicans favored it. While 
the purchase was not influenced by the question of Slavery, 
at th^e same time it added unbounded slave territory to our 
country and fears were at once entertained, which were 
afterward fully confirmed, that a large portion of the new 
territory would ultimately be given up to the slave traffic. 
Anti-Slavery and Abolition Societies at once sprang up in 
different parts of the country, their work being mainly con¬ 
fined to petitions to Congress, which, however, decided that 
it had no power to abolish Slavery in those States where it 
existed. It is possible, however, that the influence of these 
societies resulted in the total abolition of slavery m the 
North, the various States granting freedom as follows. 
Vermont in 1777; Massachusetts in 1780; PPPPS^lvania in 
1780; New Hampshire in 1783; Rhode Island in 1784 Con¬ 
necticut in 1784; New York in 1799; New Jersey in 1804. 

The Constitution had extended the pepod under wffich 
slaves could be imported until the year 1808 , and in 1»07 a 
bill was framed which provided for the prohibition of slave 
importation after January 1, 1808. 


Jefferson was overwhelmingly re-elected in 1804, receiv¬ 
ing 162 electoral votes to 14 for Charles Pinckney, the Fed¬ 
eralist candidate. The result of the election showed that the 
Republicans were in almost entire control throughout the 
country, and the Federalists being disheartened, resorted to 
desperate measures. Aaron Burr, the principal leader, at¬ 
tempted intrigue, but was defeated by the exertions of 
Hamilton, whom he challenged to a duel and killed in 1804. 
The great majority, however, of the Federalists, who were 
then mostly confined to New England, were not in sympathy 
with the plotting and designs of the hot-headed leaders, and 
the death of Hamilton had a most sobering effect upon the 
whole people without regard to party lines. Burr was 
obliged to flee, followed by the contempt of every com¬ 
munity. Hamilton had served his adopted country well and 
finally given up his life in its behalf. 

In 1803 Jefferson, eager to know the character of our 
new territorial acquisition, sent Merriweather Lewis and 
William Clark to explore the far west. In a journey lasting 
more than two years they penetrated to the Pacific, their 
expedition being a success from every point of view. 

During Jefferson’s second administration our foreign 
relations again became strained because of the outrages 
committed by both the English and French, at war with each 
other, upon our ships at sea and our commerce wherever 
it could be attacked. Our seamen were impressed, hundreds 
of sailors being taken in a single year from American ves¬ 
sels and forced to fight the battles of England. Jefferson 
declared that England had become a “den of pirates” and 
France a “den of thieves.” The various insults and depre¬ 
dations became so intolerable that at the end of 1807 Con¬ 
gress, on the recommendation of Jefferson, passed an Em¬ 
bargo Act, closing all American harbors to commerce. But 
the “Act.” w'hich was enforced for a year, brought no end 
to the difficulty, only injury to our shipping and particularly 
to the products of the Southern plantations. 

In 1809 the Embargo Act was repealed and a Non-Inter¬ 
course Act passed, making all commerce with Great Britain 
and France illegal, but restoring trade with the rest of the 
world. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1808 

In 1808 Charles C. Pinckney and Rufus King were again 
the candidates of the Federalists, but the Republicans easily 
elected James Madison President and George Clinton Vice- 
President by a large majority. 


Tad ministration of j a m e s madison] 

\ FOURTH PRESIDENT-EIGHT Y E A RS—18 0 9 -1 7, DEM.— REP. PARTY IN POWER ^ 
1 ENGLAND DRIVEN FROM U. S “ .. “ ... 






SOIL— WAR 1812 — GREAT BUSINESS REVIVAL i 


The first few years of Madison’s administration were 
consumed wholly with plans for meeting the intolerable 
conditions which existed in connection with our intercourse 
with foreign nations. We could not fight both France and 
England, nor did it seem possible to obtain from either any 
just concession. Thousands of dollars’ worth of vessels 
were being confiscated and a crisis was imminent. 

The Non-Intercourse Act was abandoned in 1810, but in 
1811 Congress passed an act re-establishing no intercourse 
v/ith Great Britain 

At home the Indians on the W estern frontier were caus¬ 
ing much trouble and their leader, Tecumseh, brought on a 
war with the Americans in the autumn of 1811. General 
William Henry Harrison, who commanded the government 


troops, defeated the Indians in the battle of Tippecanoe, 
fought November 11. 

In Congress new leaders were coming to the front, Henry 
Clay of Kentucky being chosen Speaker of the House and 
John C. Calhoun of South Carolina becoming a prominent 
member. W'^ebster entered Congress in 1813. 

Madison was no doubt influenced by the young, ambitious 
Republicans, and finally, yielding to his party, on June 1. 
1812, sent a message to Congress dealing with the British 
aggressions against our rights. Congress declared war on 
the 18th. Tw'o days before, on the 16th, the Orders in Council 
were withdrawn by the House of Commons, which action, 
could it have been cabled to America, would undoubtedly 
have prevented the W^ar of 1812. 

During the first months of the war our victory over 
Great Britain on the seas was decisive and showed that 





































5 


Growth of the Young Republic—Fpiiancial Policies Established 

National Problems Developed—Tariff Measures Adopted—Amazing Progress of Our Industrial Pursuits 


England had met her equal. During this year of 1812 Madi¬ 
son was re-elected President and steps were at once taken 
to drive the English from our territory. The American army 
finally achieved success in this respect and, in spite of many 
reverses on both land and sea, accentuated by the great 
victory of General Jackson of the British force at New 
Orleans, a treaty was discussed and finally entered into 
December 24, 1814, peace having been concluded at Ghent. 

From the first, great opposition to the war had been 
manifested, and it sliould be recited that in 1814 a convention 
of delegates from the New England states met at Hartford, 
where remonstrances were drawn ui) and amendments to 
the Constitution proposed much in line with the Virginia 
resolution of 17S8—but before decisive action was taken peace 
was restored and discredit reacted upon the Federalists who 
had not only taken no part, but who had opposed the war, 
which otherwise did much to nationalize the country. 

During the war import duties had been doubled and the 
fact that all Importation ceased for the time gave great 
Impetus to our industrial advance, there being no revenues 
from imports, however, our financial position became a diffi¬ 
cult one and brought to treasury operations the utmost con¬ 
fusion. Just before the outbreak of the war. Congress had 
refused to recharter the national bank, resulting in a large 
increase of State banks with various volumes of capital, and 
some even without any capital at all. 

At the close of the war, in 1815, the demand for protec¬ 
tion to American manufactures resulted in a new tariff 


intended to be protective enough to prevent the importation 
of English manufactures. It proved, however, inadequate 
and our ports were for several years flooded with foreign 
goods, which resulted in a propaganda, at first small but 
which grew more and more formidable, looking towards a 
tariff that would be ample to protect our manufactures from 
competition abroad. 

Great development was being made in our tVestern terri¬ 
tory and money, as early as 1816, had been appropriated for 
a large national highway to run from the Potomac over the 
moutnains into the West. The so-called Cumberland road 
bill was afterwards vetoed by Monroe, on the ground of un- 
constitutlonality, but with this exception there was no sign 
of a wish to return to a strict construction of the Constitu¬ 
tion as advocated by the Republicans at the beginning of 
their party existence. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1816 

Monroe had been very prominent in various offices, had 
been Madison’s efficient Secretary of State during the war, 
had been Secretary of War itself and was the logical candi¬ 
date of the Republicans for President in 1816, overwhelm¬ 
ingly defeating Rufus King, the candidate of the Federalists, 
who carried only three States—Massachusetts, Connecticut 
and Delaware. 














ADMINISTRATION OF JAMES MONROE 

FIFTH PRESIDENT —EIGHT Y E A R S — 1 8 1 Z - 2 5—D EM. - REP. PARTY IN POWER 
MONROE DOCTRINE PROCLAIMED—MISSOURI COMPROMISE ON SLAVERY QUESTION 












The eight years of Monroe’s presidency were not at¬ 
tended by any foreign or domestic event of transcending 
importance. It was, for the most part, a period of peace 
between parties and at the time of Monroe’s second election, 
when he receP ed every electoral vote but one, it was called 
the “Era of Good Feeling.” 

Perhaps the principal material result of the eight years’ 
administration can be seen in the industrial development of 
the country, particularly in the West and Southwest. Im¬ 
migration had carried thousands of people throughout the 
newly acquired territory. Ohio was admitted to the Union 
in 1803 and Louisiana in 1812, and the inhabitants of the 
various sections had doubled in number. In 1816 Indiana 
entered the Union; Mississippi in 1817; Illinois in 1818; Ala- 
^ttama in 1819; Missouri in 1821. Steamers were plying up and 
CIO..h Western rivers and the I'nited States was no 

longer a .seacoast republic, but a country reaching far into 
the interior, where the industries of the country were to be 
agricultural and mining, aided by manufactures to be added 
to the shipping interests of the Atlantic coast and the prod¬ 
ucts of the plantations of the South. 

In 1793 Eli Whitney, a native of Connecticut, then resid¬ 
ing in Georgia perfected his invention of the cotton gin, 
which at once revolutionized the cleansing of cotton from 
the seed. A slave who, hitherto, had only been able to clean 
about one pound a day was at once enabled to cleanse from 
fifty to one hundred pounds, and as the machine was im¬ 
proved and perfected a single person was able to cleanse 
the enormous amount of one thousand pounds a day. Thus, 
apart from any legislation whatever, a demand for slave 
labor was Instituted far in excess of the supply and a large 
portion of the negro slaves of the country were engaged in 
the culture of cotton alone. From 1791 to 1860 the production 
of cotton increased more than one thousand fold and was 
undoubtedly one of the principal causes for the continuation 
and perfection of the institution of Slavery and for the great 
contention which spread over the country from the War of 
1812 to the Civil W'ar, terminating at Appomatox. 

During the administration of Monroe the development 
of the South as well as all other parts of the country was 
rapid, but confined almost entirely to its own staple product 
—cotton. In the North, however, industries became more 
diversified and political and industrial leaders were intent 
upon a tariff that would enable them to manufacture a 
large portion of the goods imported from England and the 
continent. The question of Slavery considered at the time 
of the adoption of the Constitution had in comparison with 
other events been of little importance till Missouri applied 
for admission to the Union in 1819. At this time an amend¬ 
ment was introduced providing that no more slaves should 
be introduced into Missouri and that all children born after 
the admission of the State should be free at the age of 
twenty-five vears. The House adopted the amendment, but 
it was rejected in the Senate and a discussion was precipi¬ 
tated W'hich shook the country from one end to the other. 

Maine, now about to separate from Massachusetts, asked 
admission as a State also, and a compromise was finally 


agreed upon in 1820 known as the “Missouri Compromise,” 
which provided for the admission of Missouri as a slave 
State, but with the exception that there was to be no Slavery 
in territory purchased from France under the name of 
Louisiana north of the line 36 degrees 30 minutes. Maine 
was admitted under the terms of this compromise and the 
Slavery question was “settled.” But the country was di¬ 
vided into two sections and the people into two factions— 
Slavery and Anti-Slavery. 

The Federal party had practically died out of existence 
and a new alignment was to follow because o-f differences 
in new national questions arising out of financial manage¬ 
ment, the tariff and the question of Slavery. Soon after 
the Napoleonic wars, Russia, Austria, France and Prussia 
formed what was called "The Holy Alliance.” Canning, 
Secretary of State for Great Britain, suspected that an at¬ 
tempt would be made to obtain possession of certain Spanish 
territory in America and went over the matter with our 
Minister to London, Mr. Rush, and gained his co-operation 
in joining England in some means to thwart the suspected 
intentions of the Alliance. John Quincy Adams, Monroe’s 
Secretary of State, brought the matter before the cabinet 
meeting, where it was decided to express disapprobation of 
the suspected scheme. The result was that Monroe’s mes¬ 
sage to Congress in 1823, contained what has since been 
known as the Monroe Doctrine, it being, in brief, an unwrit¬ 
ten law to the effect that we should consider “the attempt 
of any foreign power to extend their system to any portion 
of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety” 
and declaring at the same time that “we have not interfered 
and shall not interfere with the colonies or dependencies of 
any foreign power.” This policy has been endorsed by every 
succeeding administration and is looked upon by not only 
our own people, but universally conceded abroad as a strict 
American policy which we should resort to war to maintain. 

By 1824 the protectionists of the country had become 
powerful enough to pass the tariff bill of that year which 
was opposed by Webster and supported firmly by Clay, who 
called it “a genuine American policy which was to build up 
home industries and give a home market for American 
products.” 

CAMPAIGN OF 1824 

The election of that year was practically a contest be¬ 
tween the members of the one existing Republican party. 
The candidates, John Quincy Adams, Henry Clay, Andrew 
Jackson and William H. Crawford, were all members of the 
same party, then called the Republican or Democratic-Re¬ 
publican party. It is not surprising that no one received a 
majority of all the electoral votes cast. Jackson received 99 
votes, Adams 84, Crawford 41 and Clay 37, and choice was 
thrown upon the House of Representatives, which finally 
elected Adams. The bitterness engendered by the election, 
particularly after it had been thrown into the House of 
Representatives, and the increasing differences over the 
tariff and Slavery questions, put an end to the “Era of Good 
Feeling” and resulted in the formation of a powerful political 
division, known as “Jackson” men and, from and after the 
election of 1828, as the Democrat party. 








i ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 

i SIXTH PRESID ENT, FOUR YE ARS —1 62 5 - 2 9—DEM .-REP . PARTY IN POWER 
= TARIFF BILL AND RAILROAD EXPANSION DEVELOPS NORTHERN INDUSTRIES 












John Quincy Adams had enjoyed a long and varied 
career in official life. He had been Foreign Minister, Sena¬ 
tor and Secretary of State. His administration was, however, 
attended by factional disputes growing out of bitterness 
over the election itself and in no way assuaged because 
Adams appointed his principal competitor. Clay, Secretary of 
State. The two parties were now known as “Adams men” 
and “Jackson men.” The Adams rnen, or as they soon be- 
oame know'n, the National Republicans, advocated a large 
extension of governmental functions and increased appro¬ 
priations for public Improvements. The Democrats opposed 
such liberal expenditures and rallied round Jackson as their 
leader. The beginning of railroad building, the completion 
of the Erie Canal and the extension of roads in every direc¬ 
tion were the most notable features of the administration 
of the second Adams. The industrial development of the 
country' was marked in every direction and so beneficial had 
been the tariff of 1824 to Northern manufacturing interests 
that still larger duHes w'ere imposed by a new tariff passed 


in 1828, which, because of its strictures upon foreign im¬ 
portations, w'as styled the “tariff of abominations.” Webster 
himself, tvho had previously been a free trader, had now 
become a most ardent protectionist and a firm supporter of 
the tariff of 1828. 

The South, seeing the progress the North was making in 
manufactures and still having only its argicultural indus¬ 
tries, confined for the most part to cotton raising, felt that 
its very industrial life was imperilled and mutterings of dis¬ 
content soon gave way to plans for thwarting, if possible, the 
effects of the tariff and for checking a growing sentiment 
against the extension of its institution of Slavery. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1828 

As the imposition of the tariff and the internal improve¬ 
ments of the country had been consummated under the 
administration of Adams, the sentiment of the entire South 


was how agairrst him and, joined by the foes of internal 
impri vements at the North, made a most formidable party, 
which had no difficulty whatever in electing Andrew Jack- 
son, who was called the “people’s friend” and was a most 
popular man throughout the country, as President in 1828. 


Adams was denounced as an aristocrat; Jackson was hailed 
as a “man of the common people,” as the “hero of New 
Orleans” and as “Old Hickory,” who had succeeded in what¬ 
ever he had undertaken. Calhoun was elected on the Jack- 
son ticket as Vice-President. 


i ADM IN I ST RAT ION OF ANDREW J A C K S O N i 

I skvENTH PRESIDENT —EIGHT YEARS — 1829-37—DEMOCRATIC PARTY IN POWER | 
I POLITICAL SPOIL SYSTEM INTRODUCED —THE NATIONAL BANK OVERTHROWN i 
I ERA OF GREAT IN V ENT ION S — FIR S T THREAT OF SECESSION OVER TARIFF ? 










With the inauguration of Jackson there began in many 
respe( ts a new era in national politics, and in the great 
questi'.ms unsolved but which were nearing a critical con- 
clusio|',. Till Jackson became President officeholders had 
only iieen removed for inefficiency or dishonesty. In eight 
years | Washington removed nine public officers, one for 
defau ;; John Adams in four years removed ten, one for 
;; Jefferson in eight years removed thirty-nine; Madi- 
eight years removed five, three for default; Monroe 
it years removed nine, six for default; John Quincy 
in four years only removed two, and both of them for 
Jackson immediately proceeded to turn out about 
nen from their positions and gave their places and 
s to his friends, remarking that he was “too old a 
to leave his garrison in the hands of enemies.” It 
e beginning of the “spoils system” in American poli- 
hich is no different now than during the days of 
n except that the word “spoiis” has been transiated 
le term “patronage.” 

e hostility of the South to the protective system as 
ified by the tariff of 1828 became most acute, espe- 
in South Carolina, led by John C. Calhoun. The 
gnty of the State was now discussed openiy and Nuiii- 
, and even Secession, was repeatedly threatened. The 
ice of these theories was given in the Senate by 
r Hayne of South Carolina, who was answered in a 


defau 


in eij: 
Adam 
defaul 
2,000 
salarii 
soldle 
was t 
tics. 
Jacks' 
into t 
T1 

exemi 

daily 

sovere 

fleatio 

uttera 

Senate 


most I ircible speech by Daniel Webster, this so-called reply 
formir ? one of our principal historic documents. The speech 
of Wt ister was received with great favor throughout the 
North and condemned with equal fervor throughout the 
South.] 

In [1832 a new tariff act was passed which, though it was 
more Moderate than that of 1828, was still not acceptable 
to Soilthern leaders, and steps for immediate nullification 
were iM^en. A convention of the people of South Carolina 
declar'|d the tariff “null and void,” forbade its extension 
withinithe State and threatened secession from the Union if 
there Ihould be an effort to enforce it. The Ordinance was 
passedjin November, 1832, and was to go into effect February 
1, 1833. On December 11, Jackson issued a famous procia- 
matior addressed to the people of South Carolina, which, 
thougl' 
not or 


reasonable, was strong and uncompromising. He 
y issued a proclamation declaring that the laws of 
the Uiftted States must be executed, but he made prepara¬ 
tions o enforce the law and gave such instructions to 
General Scott that there was no doubt whatever that the 
entire nachinery of the Government would be used if neces¬ 
sary tc put down at ones any insurrection on the part of any 
single State. In the meantime a tariff* law was being con- 
sideret in Congress and a bill was finally framed and 
adoptef, known as the “Cojnpromise tariff,” which had been 
submit 
entire! 
was di 
interes 


ed by Mr. Clay. The “nullifiers” accepted this as 
satisfactory, and the “Ordinance of Nullification” 
ected against the tariff as a menace to the industrial 
s of the South, yet there is no doubt that President 
Jacksoli was right when he wrote to a friend in Georgia in 
1834: 'The tariff was but a pretext, the next will be the 
Slaver> or Negro question.” 

Jailkson had written to Buchanan, then Minister to 
Russia in 1833, saying: “The public say that although tariff 
was m. de the ostensible object, a separation of the Confed¬ 
eracy vas the real purpose of its originators and sup¬ 


porters 


questioi was again “settled,” as it had been by the Missouri 


Compn 


mise of 1820. The “Compromise tariff” of 1833 pro- 


r*“' 


By the “Compromise tariff” of 1833 the slave 


vided f ir a gradual lowering of duties, till a horizontal uni¬ 
form r; te of 20 per cent should be reached. 

In 832 a struggle arose between the friends and oppo¬ 
nents ( ’ the United States bank. The National Republicans, 
headed by Clay, approved of the bank, but in 1832, though 
the chs 'ter did rot expire until 1836, a bill was passed grant¬ 
ing a i|ew charter. This Jackson vetoed, on the ground of 
uncons 
figured 


itutionality, anj the issue of “bank” or “no bank” 
largely in the presidential campaign of that year. 


CAMPAIGN OF 1832 

For the first time in our history, candidates were pre¬ 
sented by party conventions and in 1831 the Anti-Masonic 
party, which was a body organized because of the feeling 
against the Masons, who were charged with the murder of 
one William Morgan, who had threatened to divulge the 
secrets of the order, held a national convention and nomi¬ 
nated William Wirt for the Presidency. 

Jackson and Calhoun had become estranged and \ an 
Buren, who was the Secretary of State, began at once to 
enlist Jackson and his followers in his own favor for suc¬ 
cession to the Presidency, alienating for this purpose Cal¬ 
houn and his friends. The National Republicans met in 
national convention at Baltimore on December 12, 1831, and 
nominated Henry Clay for President and John Sargent of 
Pennsylvania for Vice-President. No platform was adopted 
by this convention, but an address to the people was issued 
as had been done by the Anti-Masonic party. 

The Democrats in May, 1832, called a convention in 
Baltimore and nominated a candidate for the Vice-Presi¬ 
dency, it being unnecessary to nominate a candidate for 
President, as Jackson had been so universally accepted by 
the party. The convention adopted the "two-thirds” rule, 
which has prevailed till the present day, requiring that two- 
thirds of the whole number of the votes of a convention 
shall be necessary to constitute a choice. Van Buren was 
nominated for Vice-President, but no platform was adopted, 
nor w'as any address issued to the people. 

The contest was bitterly fought. Jackson received a 
large majority of the electoral vote, though the popular vote 
was more evenly divided. The election gave Jackson confi¬ 
dence in his own views, as he believed they had been en¬ 
dorsed by the people, and in 1833 he made another attack 
upon the bank, going so lar as to remove the deposits. To 
do this it was necessary to make changes in his cabinet, and 
he finally appointed as Secretary of the Treasury, Roger B. 
Taney, who carried out the President’s orders, withdrawing 
the deposits from the United States bank and depositing in 
several State banks, known as “pet” banks. 

The opponents of Jackson were now coalescing into a 
new party, called the “Whig” party, by whom Jackson was 
fiercely attacked, and a resolution of censure was placed 
upon the records of the Senate. Thomas H. Benton of Mis¬ 
souri, a prominent Democrat and friend of the administra¬ 
tion, gave notice that he would introduce a resolution each 
session to erase this resolution irom the records, and after 
three years his famous “expunging resolution” was adopted. 

The action of the President gave impetus to great specu¬ 
lation and extensive increase of State banks throughout the 
country, and a bill was passed for the purpose of distributing 
among the States the surplus revenues belonging to the 
national government. Three out of four quarterly install¬ 
ments were made, amounting in all to about 828,000,000, and 
in this wav the entire surplus was eaten up. In spite, how¬ 
ever, of the so-called “wildcat speculation,” the country w'as 
grow'lng in every way—industrially, intellectually and so¬ 
cially. Irving, Cooper, Poe, Hawthorne, Everett, Bancroft 
and others are identified w’lth this period of our history; 
while in the industrial world we note the invention of the 
reaper, the mower, of smelting, of improvements in many 
labor-saving devices and the beginning of an era bound to 
result in great national development. Great human progress 
was made during the administration of Andrew Jackson and 
now'here was this progress more rapid or more s’ubstantial 
than in the United States. Schemes and speculation of all 
kinds were sure to follow such rapid material upbuilding, 
and yet when Jackson retired in 1837 the storm, which was 
imminent, had not broken. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1836 

Martin Van Buren succeeded Jackson as the successful 
candidate of the Democrats, defeating in 1836 the Whig 
candidate. General William Henry Harrison of Ohio, the 
hero of Tippecanoe. 


{ADMINISTRATION OF MARTIN VAN BUREN 


V EI< 
I FII 


HTH PRESIDENT—FOUR YEARS—183 7-41 —DEMOCRATIC PARTY IN POWER 
ST GREAT FINANCIAL P AN I C—AN TI - S L AV ER Y SENTIMENT GROWS 










Alt ough in his inaugural message Van Buren called at¬ 
tention to “An agg- jgate of human prosperity not elsewhere 
to be f'Und; in assessing a popular government w'anting in 
no elenent o^endurance or strength,” nevertheless, one of 
the grt itest financial panics and periods of distress came 
upon tl 9 country immediately afterwards. Failure followed 
failure; workmen were throw'a out of employment and there 
came slffering and misery on all sides. Van Buren was in 
no wisi’ 'qual to suggesting or putting into execution any 
plans f the betterment of conditions. While he did not 
recomrr id a restoration of the national bank, yet he pro¬ 
posed * .t the Government itself should take care of its 
own fui s. The panic lasted during the most of Van Buren’s 
term ai with it many of the questions more or less directly 
identifii with our public life became prominent. 

In _ William Lloyd Garrison had joined Benjamin 
Lunda.v at Baltimore in publishing “The Genius of Universal 
Emancioation.” Later Garrison started the “Liberator” at 
Boston and founded the New England Anti-Blavery Society. 
This giew into the American Anti-Slavery Society, and a 
large aiolition sentiment grew' throughout the entire North. 


The . 
aboiitio 


ing, however, was by no means universal and the 
,ists were from time to time attacked most severely. 


a prom lent example being the shooting of Elijah P. Love- 


joy at Alton, Ill., in 1837, because of his persistent publica¬ 
tion of an Anti-Slavery newspaper. Garrison himself was 
mobbed in Boston, being dragged through the streets by a 
rope around his neck. 

The feeling in the South, how'ever, against the abolition¬ 
ists was bitter in the extreme. Slave owners were incensed 
almost beyond toleration, which resulted in the beginning of 
bitter sectional feeling. Thus Van Buren’s term was taken 
up largely with the difficulties of a financial panic and the 
new and more intensified hostility engendered between the 
South and certain portions of the North because of the 
institution of Slavery. Ex-President John Quincy Adams 
had become a member of the House of Representatives and 
when petitions almost w'ithout number had been sent to 
Congress for the abolition of Slavery In the District of 
Columbia, a rule w'as finally proposed providing that such 
petitions should not be printed or referred, but laid upon the 
table. Adams rose and said. “I hold the resolution to be a 
direct violation of the Constitution of the United States, the 
rules of this House and the rights of my constitirents ” 
The rule, how-ever, w'as adopted by a large majority, but 
Adams devoted almost the remainder of his life to a presen¬ 
tation of petitions and an attempt to have them considered. 

This action illustrates the feeling of the two sections. 


I 


























6 


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Slavery Question Becomes a Serious Menace to National Unity 


The Mexican War—California Acquired 


The South was strong in its feeling that its institutions 
should not be interfered with; the North divided between 
the desire for abolition itself and a feeling that some time 
trouble must come with the only possible outcome, namely, 
war. 

With the other difficulties of his administration. Van 
Buren had to contend with the troublesome Indians and 
his term ended without the various uprisings having been 
quelled. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1840 

In 1840 the Democrats again nominated Van Buren. Clay 
was the logical candidate of the Whigs and was the real 
leader of the new party, a party of opposition made up of 
several elements. In the convention, through a trick, Wil¬ 
liam Henry Harrison was nominated instead of Clay. John 


Tyler, a thorough "States’ rights” man, is said to have wept 
when Clay was defeated for the nomination, and for that 
reason was himself given the nomination for th J vice¬ 
presidency. 

A third party, called the “Liberty party,” composed of 
abolitionists and all those who were strongly opposed to 
Slavery, nominated James G. Birney for Presiden . The 
campaign was a most excitable one and yet rather more 
spectacular than a campaign with the elucidation of princi¬ 
ples. "Tippecanoe and Tyler too” were the watchwords of 
the Whigs, and the principal slogan was a desir f for a 
change without prediction as to what the change would 
bring about. Harrisen and Tyler w'ere elected oveiHvhelm- 
ingly, considering the electoral vote, but by only -i small 
idurality of the popular vote. The Whigs were jubilant over 
their first victory and Harrison made Daniel Webster Secre 
tary of State. 


National Domain Extended from Sea to Sea 


[administration of HARRISON and TYLl 

i NINTH AND TENTH PRESIDENTS—FOUR YEARS—1841-45—WHIG PARTY IN POW 
I TEXAS ANNEXED—SL AVERY EXTENDED—NEW PROTECTIVE TARl 








The policy inaugurated by Jackson of turning out office¬ 
holders and substituting those friendly to the administration 
brought upon Harrison such a besiegement of officeseekers 
that his strength was tried beyond endurance, and in just 
a month after his inauguration he died, it being the first 
time in our history that a death had entered the White 
House. 

Tyler at once succeeded and utmost anxiety and concern 
followed on the part of friends of Harrison and the Whig 
party in general. Tyler retained Harrison’s cabinet, but soon 
became ambitious, and with the hopes of re-election asserted 
his independence and soon became estranged from the party 
that elected him. Twice he vetoed a "bank” bill passed by 
Congress; his cabinet, with the exception of Webster, 
resigned. He vetoed two tariff measures before he signed 
the tariff law of 1842, and the Whigs in general were de¬ 
prived of the fruits of their victory. 

The tariff of 1842 was a thoroughly protective measure, 
designed not only to bring adequate revenue to the treasury, 
but to stop the importations that were made easy by the 
various reductions which had followed the Compromise 
tariff of 1833. 

The question of the annexation of Texas had gained 
more or less public attention as settlers from the Southern 
States had begun to move into Mexican territory soon after 
the treaty with Spain had been agreed to. "rhe American 
population was, of course, opposed to the political system of 
Mexico, and in 1836 the Texans declared their independence 
with the battle of San Jacinto, under the leadership of 
Samuel Houston. The following year Texas asked admit¬ 
tance to the L'nion and the proposition was favored by the 
Southern people because it w'ould extend slave territory. 

In 1843 Calhoun became Secretary of State and bent all 
his energies towards annexing Texas, but the Senate re¬ 
jected a treaty secretly entered into, as it was seen that 
the annexation would mean a war w'ith Mexico. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1844 

The situation was most acute when the election of 1844 
occurred, and annexation naturally became an issue in that 


campaign. It was expected that Van Buren would be the 
choice of the Democrats, but as he opposed the anrexation 
of Texas, he was defeated in the convention, and James K. 
Polk of Tennessee was nominated. Clay, who wa.'- nomi¬ 


nated by the AVhlgs, objected to the annexation, and 


R I 

ER I 
F F I 


> 


Birney 


was again nominated by the Liberty party. It was soon 
seen that Clay would have to ameliorate many of his would- 
be supporters, who wished to bring about the ann-xation, 
and the consequence was that in letters he declared he 
would like to see the annexation "without dishonor, without 
war, with the common consent of the Union and jn just 
and fair terms,” adding that the “subject of Slavery ought 
not to affect the matter.” By so doing he lost orthern 
votes, without gaining any from the South. The Democratic 
party, however, was committed to annexation, and tl e tariff 
question also became an issue of the campaign. George M. 
Dallas, who was nominated with Polk, being a Pennsylvania 
protectionist, and Polk himself, in a letter declaring iLhat he 
was in favor of both protection and revenue, gaiiied for 
their ticket the electoral vote of Pennsylvania, and fn New 
York State—because of the vote which Birney ha4 taken 
from Clay—Polk easily got a majority of the popular vote 
and in the electoral college. 

Tyler at once claimed that the election warranted him 
in taking immediate action towards annexation. A joint 
resolution passed both houses of Congress, authori 2 ing the 
President to invite Texas into the Union as a Stale or to 
negotiate a treaty concerning admission. Tyler, wistfiing to 

) Polk, 
ccepted 
rritory. 


gain for himself the honor which would accrue t 
made a proposal for immediate union and Texas & 
the invitation—thus another slave State, with slave t( 
was added to the already growing power of the South, and 
consternation and fear took possession of those opjosed to 
the policy of slave extension throughout the North. Hereto¬ 


fore the provisions of the Missouri Compromise h id pre¬ 


vented further extension of slave territory; the am 
of Texas, however, showed that such territory c 
extended without any limitations. 


exation 
luld be 










ADMINISTRATION OF JAMES K . P O 1 

ELEVENTH PRESIDENT—FOUR YEARS — 1843-49—DEMOCRATIC PARTY IN POV 
THE MEXICAN WAR—FREE TRADE—REPUBLIC EXTENDED FROM SEA TO S[EA 


Polk at once appointed a strong cabinet, making James 
Buchanan Secretary of State, Robert J. Walker Secretary 
of the Treasury, William L. Marcy Secretary of War, and 
George Bancroft Secretary of the Navy. He announced his 
intention of reducing the tariff, of establishing an inde¬ 
pendent treasury, of settling the Northwest territory and 
acquiring California. He succeeded in accomplishing every 
purpose. The Walker tariff, or tariff of 1846, was passed, 
very materially reducing the duties and taking away nearly 
everj' vestige of protection wffilch had been the cardinal 
principle of Clay’s so-called “American policy.” 

In order to defend the citizens of Texas against possible 
attack and to prevent any interruption of the annexation 
program, Polk sent General Zachary Taylor to Texas with 
4,000 men in command. War did not, however, immediately 
break out, but Mexico could not calmly submit to the claims 
of the Texans and the boundaries, particularly, were a mat¬ 
ter of dispute. 

Beyond Texas was California, which Polk was so am¬ 
bitious to acquire. In the early part of 1846, without sending 
a word of his intention to Congress, General Taylor was 
ordered to the left bank of the Rio Grande. A collision 
between our troops and the Mexicans was inevitable—in 
fact it was provoked—and when the Americans were at¬ 
tacked and a few killed, the President sent a message to 
Congress, declaring that “Mexico has passed the boundary 
of the United States, has invaded our territory and ^shed 
American blood upon American soil.” exists, he 

declared “by the act of Mexico itself Congress sustained 
the declaration of the President and money was appropriated 
and a call authorized for 50,000 volunteers. The result was 
inevitable. With no reverses, with no losses, Scott and his 
lieutenants met with a series of unbroken victories and 

Qity of Mexico was taken in 1847, and peace soon after 

concluded^ meantime Slavery had again been injected into 

national politics in the following manner: 

In Au^st, 1846, a bill was introduced for the appropria¬ 
tion of monev to carry on the war. David Milmot, a Derno- 
cratic Representative from Pennsylvania, proposed a proviso 
that Slave^^y should never exist within any territory acquired 
from Mexico The bill with this proviso passed the House, 
^ut did Aot pass the Senate. The contest was repeated the 


following year, but the Senate finally won and anj appro¬ 
priation was made without the Anti-Slavery conditicn. For 
years after, the “Wilmot proviso” became a general phrase, 
and all were supposed to be in favor of the Wilmot proviso 
who opposed the extension of Slavery. 

By the acquisition of Texas and what is now tie State 
of California, some 875,000 square miles were added to our 
territory and the Republic stretched from sea to S( a., with 
only the very northwestern territory, known as Ort ?on, as 
disptued territory. This territory now became the subject 
of international complications. There was a popular < emand, 
especially from the West, for the whole of Oregon, .nd the 
cry raised was “flfty-four-forty (54 deg. 40 min.) oi fight.” 
The difficulty, however, was finally settled by a com; romise, 
and the forty-ninth parallel was accepted as the b undary 
between the British possessions and those of the (United 
States. 

Not only as far west as the mountains, but thrlugh to 
the Pacific, the Slavery question now became paramount, 
not only as a political issue but as a sentiment affec ing the 
sectional feeling throughout the entire country. Vai Buren 
was the leader of a faction which had expressed its ' ancom- 
promising hostility to the extension of Slavery i to the 
territory now free.” This faction of the Democrat!; party 
was called “Barnburners” as opposed to a factioi called 
“Old Huskers.” 


CAMPAIGN OF 1848 

The Democratic national convention nominated 
Cass for the presidency, while the “Barnburners,’ 
with the Liberty party, formed a political division ki 
“Free-Soilers” and nominated for its candidate Mar 


Lewis 
uniting 
own as 
in Van 


Buren. The Whigs were also divided into two 1 ictions, 
known as “conscience Whigs” and “cotton Whigs.” They 
were, however, inclined to avoid as far as possible i le sub¬ 
ject of .Slavery and nominated General Taylor ths presi¬ 
dency, Millard Fillmore being nominated for Vice-t-i esident. 
Taylor and Fillmore were elected, but the “Free-Soilers” 
cast nearly 300,000 votes and were the forerunners of a party 
bound not only to be a formidable opponent of tha great 


Democratic party, but to exterminate the very ins 
of Slavery itself. 


titution 


[administration of TAYLOR AND FILLMORE 

I TWELFTH and THIRTEENTH PRESIDENTS—FOUR YEARS—1849-53—WHIG PARTY in POWER 
i GOLD DISCOVERED IN CALIFORNIA—SLAVERY QUESTION BECOMING VERY ACUTE 

t 






President Taylor had been largely a soldier throughout 
his active life. He was a slave owner and entirely unfamiliar 
with official duties. Though himself a beneficiary of the 
institution of Slavery, he expressed his belief that it should 
not penetrate where the inhabitants did not want it and, 
above all, he w'as the soul of fairness and justice. 

Florida had been admitted to the Union in 1845; Iowa in 
1846. The admission of Texas was offset by the admission 
of Wisconsin in 1848. Oregon in the later year was estab¬ 
lished as a territory. Slavery or involuntary servitude being 
forbidden within the territorial limits. 

It was then necessary for Congress to legislate regarding 
the territory acquired from Mexico. In 1848 gold was discov¬ 
ered in California and in the following year a great migra¬ 
tion took place to the gold fields. The population grew 
rapidly and there at once became a necess'ity for State or 
Territorial government. September, 1849, a State constitu¬ 
tion was adopted and preparations were made to seek admis¬ 
sion into the Union. A clause prohibiting Slavery was 
adopted and the people ratified the result of the constitu¬ 
tional convention and elected State officers and members of 
Congress. Congress met in December of the same year and 
was met by California with its free constitution claiming 
admission to the Union. The South at once showed its 
opposition, as it would disturb the balance between the 
States, there being no slave State ready for admission to 
offset the admission of free California. 

During the winter of 1849-1850 the feeling grew more 
and more intense and j'et, as had happened twice before in 
the history of the country, Henry Clay, the great com¬ 
promiser, was successful in bringing a temporary solution 
to the difficulties and the so-called “Compromise of 1850” 
was proposed and adopted—and again was the slave question 
"settled.” 

The compromise proposed, first, to admit California; 
second, to establish territorial governments without any 
allusion to Slavery; third, the passage of the Fugitive Slave 
Law; fourth, the payment to Texas of a pecuniary equiva¬ 
lent for the relinquishment of her claim to New Mexico; 
fifth, the declaration that it was inexpedient to abolish 
slaves in the District of Columbia, but prohibiting slave 
trade in the District. The compromise was finally adopted 
after the greatest forensic dispute probably ever indulged in 


in the United States Senate. Speeches were made by Clay, 
\Vebster, Calhoun, Seward and others, the Northern ad¬ 
mirers of Webster being greatly disappointed by his support 
of the Compromise. Calhoun, at the point of death, sat 
and heard his speech read. The Compromise was received 
favorably for a time throughout the North and South. The 
people bad a feeling of relief from the tension under which 
they had been living and another crisis seemed to be past. 
The only part of the Compromise which disturbed the North 
was the Fugitive Slave Law. This was so severe a measure 
that a negro claimed as a runaway slave had no right to 
trial by jury, could give no evidence in his own behalf and 
was absolutely without chance of escape. Many captures 
throughout the North only served to intensify the hatred 
against the institution itself, and the feeling began to grow 
more and moer bitter as negro after negro, many of them 
free, were dragged av/ay to Southern Slavery. 

President Taylor died on July 9, 1850, while the Com¬ 
promise was under discussion, and Fillmore succeeded to 
the presidency. He favored the Compromise, made Webster 
Secretary of State and completed an administration further 
devoid of historical prominence. 

In the spring of 1852 Mrs. Stowe’s "Uncle Tom’s Cabin” 
appeared and because of its frank utterance, of its artistic 
word pictures and the belief on the part of the North that 
it depicted truly the system in vogue at the South, it was 
universally read, and perhaps did more than anything else to 
intensify the already growing feeling of hatred throughout 
the North and to embitter the South, who Believed that its 
pet institution was in danger of being overturned. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1852 

In 1852 the Democrats nominated Franklin Pierce of New 
Hampshire, wnile the Whigs nominated General Winfield 
Scott of Virginia. John P. Hale of New Hampshire, a “Free- 
Soil” Democrat, was nominated by the “Free-Soilers.” 
Pierce was overwhelmingly elected and the victory of the 
Democratic party brought about the end of the Whig party, 
or, at least, its amalgamation into another political division. 









[administration of franklin pierce\ 

I FOURTEENTH PRESIDENT—FOU R YEARS — 1 85 3-5 7—DEMOCRATIC PARTY IN POWER | 
i BIRTH OF REPUBLICAN PARTY—KANSAS THE BATTLEGROUND OF FREEDOM I 






Pierce made William L. Marcy Secretary of State and 
Jefferson Davis of Virginia Secretary of War. The South 
was now in despair of overcoming the preponderance of the 
North in the United States Senate and consequently looked 
for further territory for the aggrandizement of its political 
power and the extension of its institution of Slavery. Cuba 
and Central America were both near and both suitable for 
Slavery. Moreover, the desire for the annexation of Cuba 
was not confined to the slave owners. Many at the North 
believed in acquiring that territory and adding it to the 
American Union. In 1854, at the suggestion of Marcy, the 
American Ministers to England, France and Spain—James 
Buchanan, John Y. Mason and Pierre Soule—met and con¬ 
sulted upon the proposition of acquiring the Island. Their 
place of meeting was at Ostend, Belgium, and the result of 
their deliberation was known as the “Ostend Manifesto.” 
This remarkable document declared that the “Union can 
never enjoy repose nor possess reliable security as long as 
Cuba is not embraced within its boundaries,” and it sub- 
gested that if Spain refused to sell the Island, we were 
justified in seizing it. Marcy, however, disapproved of the 
proposition and it was not sanctioned by the Government, 
but the Manifesto, when published, startled the world. The 
North and South were for the time living securely under 
the Compromise and it was supposed that the terms of the 
Missouri Compromise of 1820 would always exclude slavery 
from the country north of 36 degrees 30 minutes, but in 
January, 1854, the Senate began the consideration of a meas¬ 
ure for organizing the territory west of Missouri, and an 
amendment was offered by Senator Dixon repealing so much 
of the Missouri Compromise as restricted the extension of 
Slavery. Soon after. Senator Stephen A. Douglas brought 
in a new bill providing for two Territories, to be known as 
Kansas and Nebraska, and for the repeal of the Slavery 
restriction of the Compromise of 1820, on the ground that it 
W’as “superseded by the principles of the legislation of 1850,” 
in other words, the principles of so-called “State sover¬ 
eignty” or “squatter sovereignty” was proposed—that is, the 
principle that the people of a State should decide for them¬ 
selves whether Slavery should be maintained in that State 
or not; in other words, after the organization of the new 
Territories, they would be allowed themselves to admit or 
exclude Slavery as they chose. The slave owners went so 
far as to insist that they should be allowed to go into the 
Territories with their slaves without intervention from any¬ 
body, either the people of the Terirtory themselves, or the 
National Government. The bill was passed by Congress in 
May, 1854. 

The people of the North were at once aroused throughout 
the entire extent of the country. In several States political 
parties were formed and without any collusion whatever 
were called the Republican party, having for its principal 
tenet, opposition to the extension of Slavery into any new 
Territory, but having in mind particularly the new Terri¬ 
tories of Kansas and Nebraska. Douglas was edndemned on 
every hand. “I could travel,” he said, “from Boston to 
Chicago by the light of my own effigies.” 

On July 6, 1854, at Jackson, Mich., various parties com¬ 
bined under the name of “Republican,” adopted a platform 
and nominated a State ticket. This was commonly accepted 
as the date of the birth of the Republican party. In the 
nlatform w’ere the following resolutions: 


“Resolved, That postponing and suspending all differ¬ 
ences with regard to political economy or administrative 
policy, in view of the imminent danger that Kansas and 
Nebraska will be grasped by Slavery, and a thousand miles 
of slave soil be thus interposed between the free States of 
the Atlantic and those of the Pacific, we will act cordially 
and faithfully in unison to avert and repair this grievous 
wrong and shame. 

“Resolved, That in view of the necessity of battling for 
the first principle of Republican government, and against the 
schemes of an aristocracy, the most vile and oppressive with 
which the earth was ever cursed or man debased, we will 
co-operate and be known as Republicans until the contest 
be terminated.” 

The Republican party thus organized in the different 
States, although it was known in many States and localities 
as the Anti-Nebraska party, succeeded quite generally in the 
fall elections of that year. At the same time another party 
arose, known as the American or “Know Nothing” party. 
It was a secret organization devoted to the exclusion of 
ior6ig‘n“born. citizen^s, particulsirly Ca.tholics, from suffra.K6 
or at least from office holding. Whenever any of its mem¬ 
bers were questioned concerning its methods and plans the 
answer would be “I do not know,” from which statement 
arose the general term connected with the party itself It 
assumed quite formidable proportions for a year or two' but 
a large number of its members finally joined with the Repub¬ 
licans though m 18o6, when the Republican party nominated 

Its first candidate for President—John C. Freniont_to run 

against the candidate of the Democrats—James Buchanan 
the Americans had their own candidate, Millard Fillmore 

In the meantime the struggle for Kansas began and the 
delegates to Congress had been elected and a LegfiAlaturl 
favorable to Slavery. The residents of Missouri had goAl 
over the border with the intention of seizing the government 
and committing It to Slavery. From the East and I^rth 
enthusiasts rushed to the Territory in order to grasp the 
government in favor of making it a free State Vario m 
conflicts ensued, blood was shed and deeds of violence wUh- 
out number were committed; millions of dollars’ worth of 
property was destroyed, some two hundred persons killed 
and “bleeding Kansas” became the NortherS watchword 
Congress took up the subject and in May, 1856, Charle's Sum¬ 
ner made his great speech on “The crime against Kansas.” 
Personalities ensued and a day or two later Preston S. 
Brooks, a Representative from South Carolina, determined to 
for a personality directed bv Sumner against 
Senator Butler of his State. Finding Sumner at his desk 

^otrocoA^eA^or TelrT Sumner that^he did 

CAMPAIGN OF 1856 

The two sections of the country were now becoming 
daily further and further apart in feeling and sentiment and 
^e campaign of 1856 began under the most exciting auspices 
Buchanan was elected, but his popular vote was not equal to 






























Civil War Drenches the Land wi 

Emancipation Proclamation—Restoration of the Union 










I ADMINISTRATION OF JAMES BUCHANANi 

• FIFTEENTH PRESIDENT—FOUR YEARS—1859-61—DEMOCRATIC PARTY IN POWER 1 
I DRED SCOTT DECISION —SIX SOUTHERN STATES SECEDE —CONFEDERACY ORGANIZED T 


Immediately following the inauguration of Buchanan, a 
most important decision was handed down by the Supreme 
Court. A negro slave by the name of Dred Scott had been 
taken by his master. Dr. Emerson, a surgeon in the United 
States Army, into the State of Illinois, free territory. Emer¬ 
son afterwards returned to ilissouri with his slaves and sold 
them. Scott discovered tliat he had been a free man and in 
184S brought suit against liis master for assault and battery 
and obtained judgment in his own favor. The Supreme 
Court of Missouri reversed the decision and an appeal was 
taken to the courts of the United States and was finally 
carried to the Supreme Court at Washington, which Court 
was ready to render a decision previous to the election of 
1856, but concluded to postpone its judgment until after the 
inauguration of the new I’resident. Five members of the 
Court were from the slave States, while two of its members 
were also Democrats. Roger B. Taney of Maryland was 
Chief Justice, and McLean was the only Republican, as 
Curtis was still rated as a Whig. It will be remembered that 
Taney had been the confidential adviser of President Jack- 
son. carrying out his wishes regarding the deposits from the- 
United States bank. Jackson had appointed him Justice of 
the Supreme Court and on the death of Marshall in 1835 he 
appointed him Chief Justice. 

The decision regarding Scott was to the effect that he 
was not a citizen of Missouri in the sense in which the term 
is used in the Constitution, and that, therefore, the Circuit 
Court of the United States had no jurisdiction in the case 
and could render no judgment and that the suit must be 
dismissed for want of jurisdiction. The Court, however, ^yas 
not satisfied with this simple decision. It decided to give 
lengthy opinions upon the various constitutional questions 
covered by different phases of the case. Each member of 
the Court handed down an elaborate argument, the seven 
Democrats, for the most part, agreeing, while McLean and 
Curtis differed most radically from their associates. The 
decision was hailed as a great victory for the slave owners 
and, if carried out, meant that the Compromise of 1820 was 
no longer effective—in fact, that it was unconstitutional 
and that Congress had no authority to exclude Slavery from 
the Territories. At the same time the Fugitive Slave Law 
was further intensifying the feeling at the North and the 
so-called “U'nderground railroad” had grown up by which, 
secretly. Northern sympathizers were aiding the slaves to 
escape from their masters. 

The pro-Slavery Legislature in Kansas had called a 
convention which met at Lecompton and formed a State 
constitution recognizing Slavery. This 'was not fairly sub¬ 
mitted to the people and the question ^ of the admission of 
Kansas under the Lecompton constitution was taken up in 
Congress. The Territory had fairly been won by the • free 
State” men, but it was impossible to get a bill through 
Congress admitting the Territory to Statehood with a con¬ 
stitution forbidding Slavery. , 

At this time the great debates between Lincoln and 
Douglas were carried on in the State campaign of Illinois, 
which contest was really one for the election of a Senator 
to succeed Douglas, he being a candidate to succeed himself, 

■ with Lincoln as the opposing candidate. Douglas was re¬ 
elected but the moral victory was really with Lincoln, who 
was brought into national prominence by his wonderful 
mastery of the one great question before the whole 
people both North and South. . 

Because of its f -ee labor and its advance in manufac¬ 
turing and the arts, the North had far surpassed the South 
in its material wealth and supremacy. It was shown that 
the South, with its slave labor and with only its one indus- 
trv% the raising of cotton, was deteriorating both as to the 
va‘lue of its land and its general wealth and 
social status. But the leaders would not admit 
was a failure even from an industrial standpoint. Yet they 
were growing poorer and poorer, not only as 
soil, but as regards their whole intellectual and 

To further intensify the situation, a religious fanatic by 
the name of John Brown, who had at first fought m Kans^, 
came East and by the aid of certain sympathizers was 
enabled to make a raid at a place called Harper’s Ferry in 


Virginia. An attempt was made to seize the arsenal at that 
place and free the blacks and retire to some stronghold in 
the mountains. The attempt, however, was a failure, as the 
little band was soon overpowered — Brown being captured 
with others, brought to trial, convicted and hanged. But 
the whole country was so stirred by the event—and particu¬ 
larly the South, believing that the raid of Brown w’as 
endorsed by the entire North—that the campaign and elec¬ 
tion of 1860 was entered upon with much foreboding both 
North and South. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1860 

The Democrats were divided, one faction nominating 
Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois and the other John C. Breck- 
enridge of Kentucky. The Republicans, who had now united 
the various so-called "liberty factions” of the North into 
the great political body, nominated Abraham Lincoln, and 
after a campaign of unusual severity W'as successful. John 
Bell, who was a candidate of the so-called "Constitutional 
Unionists,” composed largely of Whigs who had not identi¬ 
fied themselves with either party, obtained a considerable 
popular and electoral vote. 

Hardly had the election of Lincoln been announced be¬ 
fore Secession and Rebellion were openly threatened in the 
South, and on December 20, 1860, South Carolina passed an 
“Ordinance of Secession” in which it was stated: “We, the 
people of the State of South Carolina, in convention assem¬ 
bled, do declare and ordain . . . that the Union now 

subsisting between South Carolina and other States under 
the name of the United States of America is hereby dis¬ 
solved.” 

Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana and 
Texas passed like ordinances. Other Southern States for the 
time being took no decisive action. When Congress met on 
December 3, President Buchanan in his message declared 
that the right to secede was unconstitutional, and although 
he maintained his* intention to retain possession of the prop¬ 
erties of the United States—yet he went into a long argu¬ 
ment to prove there was no legal right to coerce a State or 
compel it to remain in the Union against its will. Fie cast 
the blame upon the North, and there was no hope or courage 
in any section for continued peace. 

Buchanan’s cabinet began to break up in December and 
the places of the Southern members were filled by Northern 
men. The seceders took possession of Southern ports and 
arsenals without trouble, the center of interest being at 
Charleston, where Fort Sumter was held by a small Union 
force under Major Anderson. An attempt was made to send 
relief to the garrison, but it was unsuccessful. This was in 
January and for three months Anderson held the fort for the 
Union in the mouth of the very State that was leading the 
movement for Secession. 

The winter session of Congress was taken up by discus¬ 
sion of plans for compromises and concessions, but without 
avail. Meetings were held throughout the North, committees 
were appointed and ever,y effort made to see if there could 
be found some way out of what was now the most critical 
period in the history of the Government.' 

In February delegates from South Carolina, Georgia, 
Alabama, Louisiana, Florida and Mississippi met and or¬ 
ganized a confederacy called “The Confederate States of 
America,” and elected for their President Jefferson Davis 
and Alexander H. Stephens for Vice-President. Calhoun mid 
Davis and other Southern leaders seemed to be most de¬ 
liberate in their plans and labored hard in their many 
arguments to give plausible reasons in favor of the right of 
s0C6ssion. 

On March 2, 1861, Buchanan signed the Morrill Tariff 
Law, which replaced the Tariff of 1857. 

Lincoln started from his home in Illinois to Washington, 
making speeches almost daily and trying his best to con¬ 
ciliate the South and to unite the North to a feeling that 
perhaps after all war could be averted. A plot for his 
assassination was discovered, but he reached Washington in 
saSety and was inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1861. 


i ADMINISTRATION OF ABRAHAM L INC O LN i 

i SIXTEENTH PRESIDENT —FOUR YEARS - 1861-65 —REPUBLICAN PARTY IN POWER | 
T CRFATEST CONFLICT of MODERN TIMES-UNION PRESERVED-PRESIDENT ASSASSINATED i 

-------*—•—---- 


It should perhaps be stated here, in a word, that the 
Republican party was not formed for the purpose of abolish¬ 
ing Slavery, nor was Lincoln elected with the idea th^at that 
result would be immediately brought about The Party ^as 
formed and was successful because Lf® PeoPif of the ^orth 
were onnosed to the further extension of the institution 
into the territory of the North and were bound ^ resist that 
^tension with ^ and blood if necessary. The South on 
the other hand, feeling that the Republican party was bound 
to go further in its tenets and forbid the further holding of 
<!laves resorted to what its leaders believed to be a <mn- 
sttmtibnal right and decided to form a government of their 
own. Lincoln at once, after declaring in his Inaugural speech 

ttiat be should take care that the laws of the union oe 
fafthfullv eSted in all the States, set about to relieve 
?he garrison ir Fort Sumter, and a fleet was ordered to 
carr# relief to the Fort. But before this arrival General 

Beauregard, the leader of the ™™°sur- 

ATflior Anderson, who was in command of Sumter, to sur 
render Upon refusing, the batteries of Charleston opened 
firfupon the Fort April 12, 1861 and after thirty-four hours 
bnmhnrdment Anderson surrendered. .... „ 

The North was aroused to the highest pitch of ex^te- 
ment and Lincoln’s call for troops was answered with 
promptness. Arkansas joined the COTfederacy on 
and North Carolina May 20. Virginia and Tennessee fol¬ 
lowed somewhat later. Missouri, Kentucky and Maryland 
did not jMin the Confederacy, their citizens being divided 

The'sSuth a^fir^was prepared for the conflict, while the 
7sj’r»»*+h «; totally unprepared. The Federal arsenals of 

Wh had falten inti the hands of the Confederates and 
fheir soldfers we'le well equipped, but it was a case of en¬ 
durance and Lincoln and his supporters felt that in the end 
the North must win, though no one conceived that the 
conflict would be prolonged through four bloody years. Nat¬ 


urally, considering the unpreparedness of the North and the 
early strength of the South, the first victories were with 
the Confederacy. The Union defeats had the double effect 
of spurring the people on to further action and of provoking 
dissatisfaction with the President and the administration. 
Lincoln, how'ever, never faltered and pursued his plans un- 
fiaggingly to the end. 

At first complications with England w'ere threatened, but 
through the diplomacy and concilliation of Seward, the Sec¬ 
retary of State, open hostility was happily averted and war 
was confined to our home boundaries. 

As the months wore on the question of the abolition of 
Slavery itself became a mooted question, and in March, 1862, 
Lincoln sent a special message to Congress recommending a 
resolution to the effect that “The United States ought to 
co-operate with any State which may adopt gradual aboli¬ 
tion of Slavery, giving to such State pecuniary aid, to be 
used by such State at its discretion, to compensate for the 
inconvenience, both public and private, produced by the 
change.” The resolution was passed, but was not adopted 
by any slave State that still remained in the Union. But 
anti-Siavery sentiment was growing and pressure was 
brought to bear upon the President for emancipation. Such 
a proclamation was drafted by the President and submitted 
to his cabinet. The opinion of no member was asked—Lin¬ 
coln simply announced his purpose. His idea was that the 
publication of his proclamation of emancipation should follow 
a Union victory, and when Lee w^as driven back at Antietam 
the proclamation w'as issued. It warned the inhabitants of 
the States in rebellion that unless they should return to 
their allegiance before the 1st of January, 1863, he would 
declare their slaves free. On the 1st of January, as he had 
promised, the final proclamation was issued and Slavery was 
abolished. 

The success of Grant in the West brought him into such 
notice that he was appointed by Lincoln as Commander-In- 


h Blood of Her Fairest Sons 

—Period of Reconstruction and Reconciiiation 


9 


Chief )f the Union forces to oppose General Lee, the com- 
mande ■ of the Confederate forces. On July 1, 2, 3, 1863, the 
opposi! ig forces met at Gettysburg in one of the greatest 
battles of all history. The Federal forces were victorious, as 
they V ere on the following day at Vicksburg, and from that 
time t' le South numbered only losses and defeats till the end 
of the war. 

In 1864 the presidential election occurred, Lincoln being 
the ca ndidate of the Republicans and General George B. 
McClel an of the Democrats. The Democratic convention 
led that “Immediate efforts be mo.de for the cessation 
ilities, with the view to an ultimate convention of all 
-tes or other peaceable means to the end that at the 
practicable moment peace may be restored on the 
f the Federal union of the States.” The war was 
d a failure and the acts of the President condemned. 

was re-elected by a large electoral majority, the 
■ats carrying only New Jersey, Delaware and Ken- 


Emancipation Proclamation was considered a war 
e and did not destroy Slavery in the States not in 
n. 








DM IN I ST RAT I O N OF ANDREW JOHNSON 

/ENTEENTH PRESIDENT—FOUR YEARS—1865-69 —REPUBLICAN PARTY IN POWER 
CONSTRUCTION — PRESIDENT IMPEACHED—ALASKA PURCHASED —ATLANTIC CABLE 




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there 

to be t nsatisfactory to many — if, in fact, it was satisfactory 
to any On May 29, 1865, the President issued a proclama¬ 
tion of amnesty, giving pardon to all who had been engaged 
in the late Rebellion with special exceptions. Provisional 
govern irs were appointed for the Southern States, who were 
autfiorfced to provide for a commission to bring about the 
re-estafclishment of the State in its constitutional relations. 
This seemed to many at the North, and especially to a 
majorii^ of the Republican party, like placing the State back 
into til e hands of the leaders before the Rebellion, and it 
seemed as if the result would be of no advantage to the race 
for wh ch so much money and blood had been sacrificed. 

Thi! thirteenth Amendment, which provided for making 
emanci pation universal and prohibited Slavery for the 
future, was declared in force December 18, 1865. 

Th. : fourteenth Amendment, which granted citizenship 
to all persons, regardless of race or color, was proclaimed 
in fore e January 28, 1868, and the fifteenth Amendment, 
grantii) g suffrage to negro citizens, was proclaimed March 


In the early part of 1864 an attempt was made to pass a 
constitutional amendment abolishing Slavery everywhere, 
but it did not obtain the necessary two-thirds vote in the 
House, although it passed the Senate by a large majority. 
After the election, however, the President in his annual 
message advocated the adoption of the amendment and after 
a spirited debate it was passed and afterwards ratified by 
three-fourths of the States. The amendment declared that 
“neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as pun¬ 
ishment for crime whereof the party should have been duly 
convicted, shall exist within the United States or any place 
subject to their jurisdiction.” 

On April 9, 1865, at Appomatox in Virginia, Lee surren¬ 
dered to Grant and the war was terminated. While the 
people were rejoicing over the outcome, they were startled 
and shocked on the 14th of the same month by the assassi¬ 
nation of the President by one John Wilkes Booth, an 
attempt being made at the same time upon the members of 
the cabinet. 

Vice-President Andrew Johnson succeeded to the presi¬ 
dency and the Government began its work of reconstruction. 




*-•« 










difficulties which confronted Johnson were many, 
ad the people of the North been of one mind regard- 
method and scope of reconstruction, the task would 
;en a gigantic one, but under the circumstances, when 
as no unanimity of sentiment, the work was bound 


30, 187 
Th 
providi 
vetoed 
several 


Congress which met December, 1865, passed an act 
ig for the so-called “Freedman’s Bureau,” which was 
by the President. This was followed by the veto of 
important bills, which Congress passed over the 






Preside nt’s veto, including a Freedman’s Bureau bill. 

A 

EK 
RK 


DM IN I ST RAT I O N OF ULYSSES S. GRANT: 

HTEENTH PRESIDENT—EIGHT YEARS—18 69-7 7—REPU B LI CAN PARTY IN POWER I 
HTS of NEGRO—FINANCIAL PANIC—DISPUTED ELECTION—CENTENNIAL EXPOSITION | 


restora 
which 
tion of 
by no 
the sit 
called 
in the 
undue 
moil ar 
territory 
whites 
was sr 
stampe 
ures ai 
powers 
in man 
to enfo 
rights ( 
Tht 
the wa 
tued 
over 
Mu( 
and am 
the coi 
Amend 
should 
drawn, 
of the 
finally 
of his 


I 

th 3 


The 
beat G 
publicai 
into a 
Cincinn, 
Greeley 
Vice-Pr 
nomine, 
and m; 
head. 


Pres 
adminis 
and de. 
and pet 
and the' 


Nebraska was admitted to the Union and in March, 1867, 
Congress passed the “Civil Tenure” bill, which provided that 
a person should hold office until another was appointed, with 
the approval of the Senate, practically preventing the Presi¬ 
dent from removing anyone without the “advice and con¬ 
sent of the Senate.” 

Reconstruction measures were passed by Congress and 
the relations between the national Legislature and the Presi¬ 
dent became more and more strained. In defiance of the 
“Tenure of Office” Act, Johnson suspended Stanton, Secre¬ 
tary of War, and the Republicans determined to resort to 
impeachment as a means of getting rid of an executive who 
was becoming intolerable. The result of the impeachment 
trial, however, was acquittal, as the majority lacked one 
vote of the necessary “two-thirds.” 

By the time of the presidential election of 1868 most of 
the Southern States had re-established their constitutional 
relations and been readmitted to the Union. In 1867, the 
United States purchased from Russia the territory known as 
Alaska for p,200,000. Another important event of the time 
was the laying of the Atlantic Cable, in 1866. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1868 

General Grant was nominated by the Republican party 
for President, while the Democrats nominated Horatio Sey¬ 
mour of New York, Grant receiving 214 electoral votes and 
Seymour 80. Already the enormous debt, which in the sum¬ 
mer of 1865 amounted to a total of $2,844,649,626, was rapidly 
being reduced. 














Although much had been accomplished in the way of 
ion of national unity. Grant found manj^ problems 
■equired no little skill in their solution. The adop- 
the thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth Amendments 
neans gave liberty and franchise to the negroes, and 
ation was made the more acute because of the so- 
Carpetbag Governments” which had been established 
3outh, whereby the negro in many places was given 
1 irominence over the whites, with the result that tur- 
M strife were rampant throughout the former slave 
Particularly did one oath-bound order of Southern 
come into prominence, called the Ku-Klux-Klan. It 
.me years before violence and lawlessness were 
out Congress continued to pass repressive meas- 
ined largely at the protection of the negro in his new 
"and rights. So-called “force” bills were passed and 
^ cases United States troops were sent to the South 
ce order and see to it that the negro exercised his 
if franchise. „ • 

contention with Great Britain over her action during 
was referred to arbitration and satisfactorily set- 
t was also agreed to settle by arbitration the dispute 
5 Northwestern boundaries. 

h dissatisfaction was now felt throughout the North 
ang certain factions of the Republican party against 
tinned enforcement by armed troops of the new 
lents to the Constitution. Many felt that the South 
be left alone and that the troops should be wlth- 
There was much dissatisfaction also with the plari 
1 ’resident to annex San Domingo, and although Grant 
; ibandoned the project, yet the friends lost because 
I ersistency continued to antagonize his re-election. 


CAMPAIGN OF 1872 


cry in parts of the country became “Anything to 
1 ant,” and the little band of so-called “Liberal Re¬ 
s’’ organized in 1870 in the State of Missouri grew 
lolitical party which met in national convention at 
Lti the early part of 1872 and nominated Horace 
for President and B. Gratz Brown of Missouri for 
sident. The Democratic convention endorsed these 
flte, although a faction refused to abide by the ticket, 
ape one of their own, with Charles O’Conor at its 
he Republican party renominated Grant and he was 


re-elected by an overwhelming majority. Greeley died be¬ 
fore the presidential electors cast their ballots, which were 
scattered among several candidates. 

The Southern question was still a burning one and troops 
were constantly sent to establish authority or to quell dis¬ 
turbances. In 1875, the Secretary of War, W. W. Belknap, 
was impeached, but hastily resigned his office, and he was 
not convicted. 

In 1873, a great commercial panic swept over the country 
and Congress passed a bill for the increase of the currency. 
Grant vetoed the bill, but in 1875 a law was enacted provid¬ 
ing for the resumption of specie payment on January 1, 1879. 
This gave confidence in commercial circles and prosperity 
was gradually restored throughout the country. 

In 1876 occurred the Centennial Exposition at Philadel¬ 
phia, commemorative of the 100th Anniversary of national 
existence. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1876 

For the presidential candidate of this year the Repub¬ 
licans nominated Rutherford B. Hayes of Ohio, while Samuel 
J. Tilden of New York was nominated by the Democrats. 
The “Green Back” and “Prohibition” parties each had presi¬ 
dential candidates in this election, but gained no electoral 
votes. For weeks after the election the result was in doubt. 
Tilden had positively received 184 electoral votes, only one 
being needed to elect him. Contradictory electoral certificates 
were presented from South Carolina, Florida, Louisiana and 
Oregon. The returning boards of the Southern States had 
exercised wide discretion and attained to unlimited author¬ 
ity. Charges and counter-charges were made and the situa¬ 
tion became more and more critical, until an adjustment was 
provided for by the appointment of the so-called “Electoral 
Commission.” number’ng fifteen, composed of five members 
from each house of Congress and five Justices of the Su¬ 
preme Court. The Senate appointed three Republicans and 
two Democrats, and the House three Democrats and two 
Republicans. Four Justices were appointed, two Republicans 
and two Democrats, and these four selected the fifth. In 
this way it was expected that the commission would be non¬ 
partisan. By a vote of eight to seven the commission 
declared in favor of the Hayes electors, and Hayes was 
declared elected President and was Inaugurated on March 
4, 1877. 


DMINISTRATION OF RUTHERFORD B. HAYES 

NHJETEENTH PRESIDENT—FOUR YEARS —1877-81—REPUBLIC AN PARTY IN POWER 
SIL VER REMONETIZED—SPECIE PAYMENT RESUMED—TROOPS WITHDRAWN FROM SOUTH 


ident Hayes became popular at the outset of his 
t’ation by withdrawing the troops from the South 
c taring that all disputes should be settled by orderly 
ceable methods to be provided by the Constitution 
laws of the State. 


The immense increase in the mining of silver created a 
demand for the recognition of this metal in national coinage, 
and in 1878 the so-called Bland-Allison bill was passed pro¬ 
viding for the remonetization of silver, and the dollar ere* 




























/3 

14 

IS 

IS 


Wilson 

' Sec.Treps- Sec-War^ 
WO.McAdoo. L~M.Gdrr/son. 
Rcht.Ltnsin^. ^SecAgne.-- 

Interior^ O F.Hovston. 

F K.Lana. Sec. Navy- Sec Com- 

rt. Josephus Daniels. WrrC.Redfleld. 

PostM Gent- Atty Genr'l- Sec Labor.. 

A S. Burleson. TW Gregory kVm B-Wnson 

Del. 

j Cha 

Jes R. 

filler 


Penn 

J KTt 

-nner 

M.J Brc 

mbaugh 

N.J. 

Ja 

nes A 

Field 

tr 

Ga. 

John M 

Slaton 

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Harris 

Conn 

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Mass 

Eugene 

V Foss 

David / 

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Philip 

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S.C. 

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N.H. 

Sami i 

> Felker 

R.H.S 

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Va. 

i'Vm H 

Mann 

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1 N.Y. 

M H 

7/ynn 

C-S.IA 

'hitman 

N.C. 

i 

.ocke 

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1 

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A / P 

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R.L B 

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A L.F 

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Qhas. lA 

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Ky. 


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Ben. M 

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Ohio 

Jamei 

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Frank 

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s 

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Mich. 


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Mo. 

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Iowa. 


Geo. 1 

y. Clar 

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Minn. 

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berhart 

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Kan. 

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Hodges 

Arthur 

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Col. 

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immo.as. 

Geo. A. 

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Mon. 


hirrm 


N.D. 


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S.D. 


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Svrne 


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West 

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Wash. 

i 

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Idaho. 

John M. 

Names 

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Tex. 

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Wilson. 4-35LV. 6Z93PI9P.V. - 

D e/77. 

NiarshaH -^35 E.V. 




=3 




Ta-neLV. 3&8d-956Ry. 


Re/: 

Butler 6B.M. 



1 




Judiciary 

Pitney Whitepui Hughes 1 

McKenna Lamar 1 

Holmes ■ VanDevarrter Day | 


\ 

Conoress \ 

6 

Co no 

ress 

Senate 



3 


Congress 



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13 

IT 

15 

Is 


10 


The Influence of Kigher Education in Our National Life 


The Business of the College i 

Views of Woodrow Wij 


IS 


to Train Men for the Great Highway of Work and Service 

SON, Ph.D., LL.D., Former President of Princeton University 


THE BUSINESS OF HIGHER EDUCATION 

“ Every phase of life outside of the familj^ 
circle is public life, and the business of all edu¬ 
cation is to fit man for public life, — that is, 
life in relation to the social organism. 

“We have set up an elaborate system of 
jiopular education and have made the main¬ 
tenance of that system a function of govern¬ 
ment, upon the theory that only systematic 
training can give the ciuick intelligence, the 
variety of information and excellence of dis¬ 
cretion needed by a self-governed people. 

“We expect as much from school teachers 
as from governors in the Philippines and in 
Porto Rico; we expect from them the morale 
that is to sustain our work there. And yet, 
when teachers have done their utmost and the 
school bills are paid, we doubt and know that 
we have reason to doubt the efficiency of what 
we have done. Books can but set the mind 
free, can but give it the freedom of the world 
of thought. 

“ The world of affairs has yet to be at¬ 
tempted and the schooling of action must 
supplement the schooling of the written page. 
By education no doubt you acquaint men, 
while they are yet young and quick to take 
impressions, with the character and spirit of 
the polity they live under; give them some 
sentiment of respect for it, put them in the 
air that has always laid about it, and prepare 
them to take the experience that awaits them. 

“ But it is from the polity itself, and their 
own contact with it, that they must get their 
actual msefulness in affairs, and only that con¬ 
tact, intelligently made use of, makes good 
citizens. We would not have them remain 
children always and act always on the pre¬ 
conceptions taken out of the books they have 
studied. Life is their real master and tutor 
in affairs.” 

HEART AND ESSENCE OF EDUCATION ! 

“ What we seek is full liberation of the 
faculties and the man who has not some sur¬ 
plus of thought and energy to expend outside 
the narrow circle of liis own task and interest 
is a dwarfed, uneducated man. 

“ I believe general training, with no partic¬ 
ular occupation in view, to be the very heart 
and essence of university education. The ideal 
university should have for its two-fold object 
the production of a small body of trained 
scholars and investigators, and these two func¬ 
tions should be performed, not separately, but 
side by side, and informed with one spirit, the 
spirit of enlightenment, a spirit of learning 
which is neither superficial nor pedantic, which 
values life more than it. values the mere ac¬ 
quaintances of the mind. 

“ We must deal in colleges with the spirits of 
men, not with their fortunes. The rule for 
every man is not to depend upon the education 
which other men prepare for him, —not even 
to consent to it, but to strive to see things as 
they are and to be himself what he is. Defeat 
lies in .self-surrender. 

“ The college is for the use of the nation, 
not for the satisfaction of those who administer 
it, or for the carrying out of their private 
views. They may speak as experts and with a 
very intimate knowledge, but they also speak as 
servants of the country and must be challenged 
to give reasons for the convictions they enter¬ 
tain.” 


THE MAKING 01 

“The college is r, 
considerable number 
stimulated in only a 
entirely on nature an 
“Below the ranks 
ance, the modern wor 
of its varied and diffi 
larger number of me; 
readiness for the rapi 
tion of a whole seri 
faculties as well as t. 
to handle men as we I 
correct processes; fa( 
adoption as well as o:' 
of resource as well as 
“These are the atl 
ulty, of which our g 
need. All through i 
masterful men who 
knowledge of many 
intelligently and witl 
had not foreseen or 
beforehand, and for >•; 
prepared themselves. 

“Quick apprehensi 
quick action are wha 
mium upon, — a rea( 
that and not lose fore 


THE COLLEGE AS 

“ We live in an age 
is to be cheaply had 
ments, open to ama 
have become commoi i 
“ If college be on- 
and achievement, it 
ways to work. The 


MASTERS OF MEN 

eant to stimulate, in a 
ijf men, what would be 
!W if we were to depend 
circumstances. 

)f generalsliip and guid- 
1 needs for the e.xecution 
alt business a very much 
with great capacity and 
I and concentrated exer- 
s of faculties; planning 
dmical skill; the ability 
as to handle tools and 
ilties of adjustment and 
precise execution, — men 
knowledge. 

etes, the athletes of fac- 
neration most stands in 
; ranks, besides, it needs 
can acquire a working 
things readily, cjuickly, 
exactness — things they 
prepared themselves for 
liich they could not have 

m, quick comprehension, 
modern life puts a pre- 
iness to turn this way or 
or momentum.” 


HIGHWAY TO WORK 

in which no achievement 
All the-cheap achieve- 
eurs, are exhausted and 
place. 

of the highways to life 
nust be one of the high- 
man who comes out of 


college into the modbrn world must therefore 
get out of it, if he his not wasted four vitally 
significant years of h s life, a quickening and a 
training winch will n lake him in some degree a 


master among men. If he has got less, college 
was not worth his while. 

“ We must distinguish what the college is for, 
without disparaging any other school of any 
other kind. It is for the training of men who 
are to rise above the ranks. Unlike a technical 
school, the college must subject its men to 
a general intellectual training which will be 
narrowed to no one point of view, to no one 
vocation or calling. It must release and 
quicken as many faculties of the mind as 
possible, and not only release and quicken 
them, but discipline and strengthen them also 
by puttiirg them to the test of systematic 
labor.” 

THE TRUE “LIFE” OF THE UNIVERSITY 

“Amusements, athletic games, the zest of 
contest and competition, the challenge there is 
in most college activities to the instinct of imi¬ 
tation and the gifts of leadership and achieve¬ 
ment,— all these are whole.some means of stim¬ 
ulation which keep young men from going stale 
and twining to things that demoralize. 

“ But they should not assume the front of the 
stage where more serious and lasting interests 
are to be served. Men cannot be prepared by 
them for modern life. 

“The college is meant for a severer, more 
definite discipline than this; a discipline which 
will fit men for the contests and achievements 
of an age whose every task is conditioned upon 
some intelligent and effective use of the mind, 
upon some sub.stantial knowledge, some special 
insight, some trained capacity, some penetra¬ 
tion, which comes from the study, not from 
natural readiness or mere practical experience. 

“In other words, the ‘life’ of the college 
should not be separated from its chief pur¬ 
poses and most essential objects; should not 
be contrasted with its duties and in rivahy 
with them.” 


THE COLL 

Immediatt 
and vicinity, loi 
fathers, apprecu 
The oldest Instit 
Massachusetts. 

A “Frees 
College, obtainii 
institution for h; 
1693 in Virginia 
then on the thre 
the 116 pastors s 
As the populati' 


•■<$> 


EGE A CHILD OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH 

ly following the founding of Plymouth in 1620 and settlement of Boston 
g before the establishment of public schools in the Colonies, our Puritan 
ting the value of advanced learning, established the College, Harvard, 
ition in this Country for higher education founded in 1636 at Cambridge, 

chool,” established in Connecticut, 1655, gradually developed into Yale 
ig its Charter in 1701. The third College of the Colonies and the first 
gher education in the South was William and Mary’s College, established 
the institution being named in honor of King William and Queen Mary 
ne of England. In 1700 there were 140 churches in New England, and of 
ttled over these churches, 109 of them were graduates of Harvard College. 
)n increased and the borders of civilization were extended farther and 
farther,*until thejv' encompassed the land, the people ever kept uppermost in their mind the 
necessity for ad- 
The Coll( 
generous impuls 
establishing and 
of the youth of 
would be unabl 
created Colleges 
funds, where a ' 

Formerly 
men for the lear 
ing have not oa 
Courses of studj 
Today yo 


Mechanical occi 




anced education as a factor of supreme importance in our National life, 
ge is primarily a child of the Christian Church. It was through the 
3 of Christian men and women who have given of their wealth for the 
the endowment of our Colleges, thus making it possible for thousands 
our country to obtain an advanced course of training, who otherwise 
; to go beyond the curriculum of the public school. States have also 
, Universities and Schools for special and technical training, with public 
vide range of courses of study are provided at a minimum cost, 
the College adjusted itself almost exclusively to the preparation of young 
led professions. With the growth of the Nation, advanced schools of learn- 
y multiplied throughout the country, but they have also broadened ttyir 
to meet the requirements of the complex conditions of modern Civilization, 
ang men and young women may not only prepare for the “ learned pro¬ 
fessions,” but tl ley may become thoroughly equipped for leadership, for Technical and 


ipations and a multitude of industries, including almost every calling in life. 


WHERE THE CURRENTS OF THOUGHT 
FLOW 

In conclusion. Dr. Wilson views the uni¬ 
versity as holding a very vital part in the 
nation’s life; as being a center where the stu¬ 
dent may put himself into the main currents 
of thought that flow out of the old centuries 
into the new, the currents that constitute the 
pulse and life of the race. 

Within the university men come into contact 
with the vital forces that have always throbbed 
and flowed through the centuries in making 
civilization and in making thought. Only thus 
can they play their part worthily in the great 
drama of men. 

The university is needed to teach men the 
life that is in them, by teaching them the dis¬ 
interested truths of science and philosophy, and 
that literature which is the permanent voice 
and song of the human spirit. 

Thus, with a due and reverent understanding 
of all the great things that humanity has nobly 
accomplished and bravely attempted in the 
past, they may do their own part not less 
worthily in the present and carry forward into 
the future the great message of human en¬ 
deavor and aspiration which they have received 
from the past. 

There must sound in the hills of the true 
university this eternal voice of the human race 
that can never be drowned as long as men can 
remember what the race has hoped and pur¬ 
posed. 

The university not only is the storehouse of 
all the best that has been thought and said in 
the past; also it is the com’t of appeal for the 
present. 

Great reputations may be made in our 
forums and our market places; the name of this 
man and of that may be on every tongue, but 
until the court of appeal has given sentence, 
pronouncing lastly on each deed, no reputation 
is safe. 

When the voice of each generation is over, 
the university will readjust the balance and tell 
future generations who were really the great 
men of the generation. 


A VITAL NATIONAL SAFEGUARD 


\ 

1 

>%> 


The value of university education is incalculable 
for those who are to follow a business career. 
Those who enter business at the outset, without 
the preparation of university life, run a great danger. 

Every business has its atmosphere, its tradition, 
its own way of looking at life as merely the field 
for that particular business. Everything is viewed 
as subordinate to that, and as valuable for its rela¬ 
tion to that. 

One who begins life in this atmosphere will have 
his mind and imagination saturated with it and 
will become incapable of seeing fife in any other 
light. There will be no check on them and harm 
will result both to the individual and to the state. 

Therefore we must give young men a view of fife 
which shall not be touched by the interests which 
w'ill engross them when they begin to make a living. 

They must learn to see fife largely, as it -were 
from the outside; to see the great and majestic 
tradition of law, as representing one of the no¬ 
blest and most enduring sides of human life and 
endeavor. 

Such a view of life can be gained at a university 
where high standards are set and maintained. 
There one may learn the chief end of man is not to 
make a living, but to keep his soul unstained, to 
seek truth and ensue it. 

Viewed thus, the university becomes something 
more than a seat of learning;- it becomes a vital 
safeguard of our national fife. 





















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































CONTI 


{UED i 


12 


The American Government 


Financial I n t e g r U y E s t a b 1 


R 


1 s 1 


ated was made a legal tender. President Hayes vetoed this 
bill, but it was passed over his veto. 

On the 1st of January, 1S79, the act providing for the 
redemption of greenbacks in coin — in other words, for the 
resumption of specie payment — was enforced without the 
least ripple in financial circles and paper money was again 
at par with coin. 

As is usually the case when the executive is of one 
party and one or both houses of Congress of the other party, 
but little legislation was had or attempted during the entire 
administration of Hayes. There was a Democratic majority 


in both the Senate and House, with the consequence 
administration was uneventful. 


CAMPAIGN OF 1880 


In 1880, the Republicans nominated as their candi 
President General James Garfield of Ohio, and the De 
nominated General Winfield S. Hancock of Penns 
The tariff question was one of the principal issues 
campaign, and it was seen that sectional issues were 
dying away. Garfield was elected. 






I ADMINISTRATION OF GARFIELD AND ARTHl 

i TWENTIETH AND TWENTY-FIRST PRESIDENTS—1881-85—REPUBLICAN PARTY IN PO\ 
i PATRONAGE FIGHT — GARFIELD ASSASSINATED — CHINESE EXCLUSION — CIVIL SER\ 


fR 

^ER 

ICE 


hat the 


late for 
nocrats 
.Ivania. 
of the 
rapidly 


The wide experience of Garfield in both civic and military 
affairs gave hopes for an unusually brilliant administration. 
The question of patronage, however, arose immediately after 
his inauguration and the Republican party, particularly in 
the State of New York, was at once divided into two factmns. 
The leader of the "Stalwarts” w'as Roscoe Conkling, United 
States Senator, and the appointment by the President of a 
collector of the port of New York who was not acceptable to 
Conkling resulted in the Senator resigning, which acRon was 
followed by his colleague. Senator Platt. These Senators 
had expected to be re-elected by their State Legislature, but 
in this they were disappointed. ^ , , . 

On the niorning of July 2, as Garfield was about enter¬ 
ing the depot in Washington to take a train, he ^yas shot by 
a fanatic named Guiteau. He died on September 19 and 
was succeeded by Vice-President Arthur. , . .. „ 

The untimely death of Garfield accentuated the evils of 
the so-called “spoils” system, and the^ question^ of Civil 
Service Reform became prominent early in Arthur s admin- 
j ^ t ra tion 

In 1883 the so-called Pendleton Act was passed, authoriz¬ 
ing the President to direct appointments following a com¬ 
petitive examination and empowering him to establish a 
Civil Service Commission. Since that time the law has been 
in a large degree enlarged and enforced. 

The surplus in the Treasurj’, in spite of the fact that the 


public debt was being rapidly reduced, was growing 
some. A Tariff Commission w'as appointed by the P 
to suggest new measures, and the so-called “tari 
mission” law of 1883 was passed. 

The sentiment in the Pacific States against the 
now became most pronounced and the Treaty of 1 
made at Pekin between a United States cornmiss 
the Chinese government providing for restriction u 
entrance of laborers from China. A. law was pasi 
years later suspending the right of Chinese workmen 
to this country for a period of ten years, which per 
extended in 1892 for another term of ten years. 


mrden- 
esideni 
C com- 


L'hinese 
80 was 
in and 
lon the 
ed two 
o come 
od was 


CAMPAIGN OF 1884 


The tariff again became an issue in 1884 and s 
‘‘purity in politics” also came to the front. James G. 
who was nominated by the Republicans, was objecU 
a class of so-called "reformers,” and for the first tin 
the war the Democrats were victorious, electing thei 
date, Grover Cleveland. The charges made against 
preceding and during the campaign in 1884 were aft 
shown to be absolutely false as regards his integrity, 
his good judgment and discretion remained a matter < 
tionable dispute. 


)-called 
Blaine, 
1 to by 
e since 
candi- 
Blaine 
rwards 
though 
f ques- 














'i FIRST ADMINISTRATION OF GROVER CLEVELA1> 


TWENTY-SECOND PRESIDENT—FOUR YEARS—1885-89—DEMOCRATIC PARTY IN PO\ 
INTERSTATE COMMERCE-TARIFF REVISION URGED-DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTl 


ID 

^ER 

IRE 








Cleveland w^as the idol of the Democrats and Mugwumps 
and his administration opened with sweeping changes. 

At the death of Vice-President Hendricks in November 
1885, attention was called to the desirability of changing the 
line of succession in case of the death of the President or 
Vice-President, and the following Congress passed a bill that 
cabinet officers should succeed in the follcming order: S^re- 
tarv of State, Secretary of Treasury, Se^etary of ^ar, 
Attorney-General, Secretary of the Navy, Postmaster-Gen¬ 
eral, Secretary of the Interior. 

The dissatisfaction which had grown more and ™ore 
acute over the discrimination shown by railroads m tneir 
rates to shippers resulted in the passage of the so-called 
‘‘Interstate commerce” act, which provided for a commission 
of five persons, with powers which have since been extended 

' ^'^^ul^mtbVedly the most important and far-reaching event 
of the adminitsration of Cleveland was his message sent to 
Congress in December, 1887, dealing exclusively with the 




tariff. The President not only advocated lower dut 
an entire repeal of all duties on much material 
manufacturing. 


es, but 
ised in 


CAMPAIGN OF 1888 


The tariff necessarily became the chief issue of tl 
paign of 1888, when the Democrats renominated Cl 
and the Republicans nominated Benjamin Harrison i 
ana. The Democrats in their platform declared tl 
unnecessary taxation is unjust taxation,” while the 
licans in their platform announced that they were ‘‘ 
promisingly in favor of the American system of prot 
The Republicans carried every Northern State ex 
New Jersey and Connecticut, and Harrison was 
Before he took office the Department of Agrlcultu 
established and a bill was passed providing for the 
Sion of the States of North and South Dakota, MonU 
Washington. 


e cam- 
weland 
if Indi- 
at “all 
Repub- 
iincom- 
■etion.” 
cepting 
ffected. 
re was 
admis- 
na and 


* A D MINISTRATION OF BENJAMIN H AR R I S O 

TWENTY-THIRD PRESIDENT-FOUR YEARS—1889-93- REPUBLICAN PARTY IN POV 

McKinley tariff bill—coinage of silver ceased secret ballot adopi 


N 

TR 

ED 




The principal event of the first j'ear of Harrison s ad¬ 
ministration was the so-called ‘‘Pan-American Congress, 
held at Washington, consisting of deleptes from the prin¬ 
cipal States of this hemisphere. A\ hile not so much r\as 
accomplished as expected, much was done towards bringing 
the various nations into closer relation. „ tt 

Thomas B. Reed had been made Speaker of the House 
of Representatives and adopted the custom of counting as 
part of a quorum all who were present, whether they voted 
or not. This act has done much towards doing awaj with 
so-called "filibustering” tactics by either party. 

During 1890 the so-called McKinley bill was considered 
and Dass&. It was a thoroughly protective rneasure, de¬ 
signed to give ample protection to Americam labor and in¬ 
dustry against foreign competition and at the 
reduce the surplus which had grown so large and was really 
becoming a financial menace. ■ ■ 

During the same year the silver purchase provision of 
the ‘‘Bland-Allison” act w'as repealed, and in its place the 


so-called Sherman act was passed, with the result t 
Government practically ceased to coin silver dolla 
became the possessor of an increased quantity o, 
bullion. , 

Slight troubles with Italy and Chile w’ere firm 
w'ithout any serious complications. 

Improved methods of conducting elections w'ere 
by the various States tending towards a more secret 
of voting and doing away with all possibility of bribi 
intimidation. 


idopted 
method 
ry and 


CAMPAIGN OF 1892 


In 1892, the Republicans renominated Harrison, w 
Democrats for the third time nominated Grover Cle 
The tariff was again the principal issue and undo 
the cry of high prices w'hich were charged to the M 
law gave the election to Cleveland, and with it g: 
Democrats both houses of Congress. 


TsecT^Nd’a'd^^ of GROVER CLEVELA^N 

I twenty-fourth president-four YEARS-1893-97-DEMOCRATIC PARTY IN POW 
^ PANIC— STRIKES—WILSON TARIFF—VENEZUELAN DISPUTE WITH ENGLAND—BOND S/ 








Grover Cleveland at the beginning of his second admin¬ 
istration inherited the so-called “Hawaiian ’ difficultj^ A 
revolution had taken place in the Island early in 1893 and the 
more intelligent residents had displaced the Queen and 
established a Republican form of government. During Die 
revolution, troops had landed from an American cruiser for 
the purpose of protecting American citizens and property. 
The finality of the situation was a treaty between the two 
governments, which w'as pending when Cleveland was in¬ 
augurated. He withdrew the treaty from the Senate, send¬ 
ing a special commissioner to investigate and . 

the facts regarding the condition of the Island. The r^ort 
of the commllsron favored the Queen, and nothing was done 
on our part to establish a stable government. 

Earlv in 18.13 a panic sw'ept over the country and Presi¬ 
dent Cleveland called an extra session of Congress in August, 
declaring that “conditions w'ere due to unwise financial 
le^slation” and advocating the repeal of the provisions of 


the Sherman act which authorized the purchase of 
This was done, but the depression in business continf 
During that year the Chicago World’s Fair was 
commemoration of the four hundreth anniversary 
discovery of America. A dispute with Engla.nd over t 
fisheries in the Behring Sea was settled by arbitratio; 

The year 1894 was accompanied by strikes and _ 
many parts of the country, and the President fina 
obliged to send troops to Chicago to protect United 
property. The disorders were finally quelled. 

During the year Congress had been discussing 
tariff measure to take the place of the McKinley law, 
act known as the Wilson bill, or the Wilson-Gorman 
was finally passed by both bouses of Congress and 
a law without receiving the President’s signature. 

An income tax w'as provided for, but the constituti 
of this portion of the law' was declared inoperative 
Supreme Court, w'hich declared that ‘‘An income 


ta c 


lat the 
s, but 


silver 
ly met 


file the 
veland. 
ibtedly 
Kinley 
ve the 


D 

ER 

LE 


silver. 

ed. 

leld in 
of the 
le seal 


iiots in 
ly felt 
States 


a new' 
ind an 
tariff, 
lecame 


inality 
by the 
was. 


PAGE 9 


ecognized as a World Power 

e d—U nprecedented Prosperity 


taken as a w’hole, a direct tax and w'as inoperative and void 
because not apportioned among the States as the Constitu¬ 
tion directs.” 

During 1895 a contention concerning the proper boundary 
between V'enezuela and British Guiana brought affairs m a 
critical point between Great Britain and the South American 
country. The United States desired to settle the dispute by 
arbitration, but Great Britain refused to submit the matter 
to arbitration and questioned our right to interfere. Mr. 
Olney, Secretary of State, insisted upon our right to inter¬ 
pose, claiming that it was in line with the principles of Uie 
Monroe Doctrine. Congress finally appointed a commission 
and appropriated $100,000 for its expenses. The commission 
spent several months investigating the claims of Venezuela 
and Great Britain, and finally the two countries agreed to 
submit the question to arbitration. , 

It was found that the Government had not a sufficient 
amount of gold to assure the redemption of notes and United 
States securities, and it resorted to a sale of bonds, increas¬ 
ing the debt of the United States by over $262,000,000; the 
method of sale of these bonds being strongly condemned by 
many, while defended by others. It was believed that the 
business depression and idleness which continued was due 
to the anticipation and realization of the low duties imposed 


by the Wilson-Gorman law' and the Republican papem, and 
liarticularly the protection organs of the country, cried out 
for a return to a protective tariff. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1896 

With this end in view, William McKinley, who had been 
Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee which framed 
the so-called McKinley law of 1890, and who was looked upon 
as the foremost apostle of jjrotection in the country, w'as 
nominated by the Republicans and called the ‘ advance 
agent of prosperity.” . -r, r 

In the Democratic convention, 'William J. Bryan or 
Nebraska, in an impassioned speech, had claimed that the 
free coinage of silver at the ralto of 16 to 1, without depend¬ 
ing upon the action of any other nation, would be a panacea 
for all cur industrial ills.” Bryan was made the nominee of 
the convention and with a so-called "silver platform went 
before the country in advocacy of so-called “free silver. 

Many of the Democrats joined the Republicans in the 
support of McKinley, w'hile others nominated a ticket and 
became know'n as “Gold Democrats,” their candidate being 
John M. Palmer of Illinois. McKinley was overwhelmingly 
elected and with him a Republican Senate and House of 
Representatives. 




ADMINISTRATION OF WILLIAM McKINLEV] 

TWENTY-FIFTH PRESIDENT—FOUR YEARS—1897-1901—REPUBLICAN PARTY IN POWER ? 
DINGLEY TARIFF—PROSPERITY—SPANISH WAR—BOXER TROUBLE—PRES. ASSASSINATED ■ 


Tw'o days after his inauguration McKinley called an extra 
session of Congress. At this session a tariff law known as 
the Dingley Act was passed. A resumption of business at 
once accompanied the Act and prosperity was restored to all 
sections of the country, increasing with each year and giving 
an unprecedented domestic and foreign trade and an un¬ 
paralleled amount of employment w'ith the highest wages ever 
known in this or any other country. Even the most partial 
historian wfill acknowledge that this wonderful progress and 
prosperity followed the Dingley Tariff Act if, indeed, it was 
not because of it. 

Early in the administration of McKinley the so-called 
Cuban trouble became most acute. The insurrections were 
met by efforts on the part of Spain to crush the rebellion, 
but the Spanish authority w'as so irksome that the rebellion 
grew instead of being crushed. The insurgents would accept 
nothing but independence, and the efforts of the United 
States to bring peace were not successful. 

On February 15, 1898, a United States battleship, the 
“Maine,” lying in the harbor of Havana, was destroyed, 
carrying down 250 officers and men. The cause of the explo¬ 
sion has never been known, but the event precipitated action 
on the part of our Government. Spain made concessions and 
promises, but her dilatory tactics only seemed to spur on 
the American people to action. On April 11, the President 
sent a message to Congress giving a history of the difficul¬ 
ties and asked for power to secure a termination of hostilities 
between the government of Spain and the people of Cuba. 
On the 19th, Congress passed resolutions declaring that the 
people of Cuba “are, and of right ought to be free and inde¬ 
pendent,” and demanding that Spain should withdraw her 
troops, and empowering the President to use the Army and 
Navy to enforce the resolutions. An ultimatum was an¬ 
nounced and Spain, taking no action, war was begun, with 
the result that by the victory of Commodore Dewey over 
the Spanish fleet in the Philippine Islands, the capture of 
Santiago by the American army, and the destruction of the 
Spanish fleet in Cuban waters, we acquired much additional 
territory throughout the world, and the independence of 
Cuba was assured. 

By the terms of peace, Spain surrendered all claim to 


Cuba and ceded to the United States Porto Rico and all other 
Spanish islands in the West Indies, including an Island in 
the Ladrones. Commissioners were appointed to conclude 
a definite treaty and all sovereignty of the Philippine Islands 
was given to the United States. On February 6, 1899, the 
treaty was ratified by the American Senate. Tw'enty million 
dollars was given to Spain for the Philippines, and the vic¬ 
torious United States declared that Cuba should be “free 
and independent.” 

During the Spanish War the annexation of the Hawaiian 
Islands had been consummated. Confess had passed a joint 
resolution providing for the acquisition of the Islands and 
for their government. 

During 1900, the so-called Boxer trouble in China was 
accompanied by shutting off for a time all communication 
with the Legations at Pekin. Through the diplomacy of 
President McKinley and Secretary Hay, the affair was amic¬ 
ably terminated without w'ar, and with dignity and satis¬ 
faction to all concerned. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1900 

In 1900 McKinley was renominated by the Republicans 
and Bryan was again the nominee of the Democratic party. 
Various smaller parties, including the Prohibition and Labor 
Ijarties made nominations, but as in 1896, the campaign was 
fought out between the Republicans and Democrats, the 
issues of the former contest being repeated and discussed 
again in 1900. McKinley was again elected President and 
with him Theodore Roosevelt as Vice-President, together 
with a Republican Congress in both Senate and House of 
Representatives. 

During the month of April following McKinley’s second 
Inauguration, the President started on a trip to the Pacific 
coast, expecting to return by the way of Buffalo to be pres¬ 
ent at the opening ceremonies of the Pan-American Exhibi¬ 
tion. Mrs. McKinley’s illness changed his plans for the trip 
and it was arranged that the President should visit the 
Exposition in the fall, September 4 being finally fixed as the 
date. On September 6, while the President w'as holding a 
public reception, he was shot by an anarchist named Czolgosz 
and died about a week afterward, Vice-President Roosevelt 
succeeding to the presidency. 










ADMINISTRATION OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT 

TWENTY-SIXTH PRESIDENT—EIGHT YEARS—1901-9—REPUBLICAN PARTY IN POWER 
PANAMA CANAL—PRES. RECONCILES RUSSIA AND JAPAN—CRIMINAL TRUSTS INDICTED 


The work of Congress during the administration of 
President Roosevelt, filling out the second term of President 
McKinley, was given largely to legislation regarding our 
new'ly acquired foreign territory and to the inauguration of 
provisions for acquiring and prosecuting the work upon the 
Isthmian Canal, connecting the waters of the Atlantic with 
the Pacific. For over half a century the so-called Clayton- 
Bulwer treaty had stood in the way of the construction of 
a canal by the United States. The treaty was finally abro¬ 
gated and a new one signed by Secretary Hay and Lord 
Pauncefote on December 2, 1901, being afterwards ratified by 
the United States Senate. The discussion now turned upon 
the route, and a commission was appointed and an appro¬ 
priation made for the purpose of investigating the whole 
question. The President w'as authorized to enter into a 
treaty with Colombia, and during the summer of 1902, with¬ 
out the firing of a shot or the loss of a life, the State of 
Panama accomplished a successful revolution and established 
a Republic, which was recognized by the United States and 
other foreign pow'ers. It was now possible for this country 
to build the canal, and a provision being made for the 
necessary expenses, the President, in accordance with the 
potv'er given him, selected the so-called Panama route. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1904 

In 1904, President Roosevelt was nominated by the Re¬ 
publicans and Alton B. Parker by the Democrats. The vote 
given to Roosevelt was the largest ev'er known in our history, 
and W'ith the election of President the Republicans again 
secured a majority in the United States Senate and House 
of Representatives. 

■\Var between Russia and Japan in 1903 gave President 
Roosevelt an opportunity to offer his services as mediator, 
and during a cessation of hostilities representatives of the 
tw'O powers met at Manchester at the invitation of the 
President and concluded a treaty of peace. President Roose¬ 
velt had, in much the same way, settled the great coal strike 
during his first administration, and w'hile no event of 
transcendent importance took place, yet probably more than 
any other preceding President, Roosevelt was active in 
forwarding the best interests of the people in their material 
jirosperity. His message to Congress in December, 1905, 
recommended much new' legislation, and the first session of 
^ r ifty-ninth Congress enacted into law' more measures 
and those of more importance than any other previous ses¬ 
sion of Congress in our history. Among these laws W'as one 
regulating railroad rates in interstate commerce, a law' pro- 


more rigiu meal inspection ana pure foods, besides laws 
affecting employes and the general w'elfare of the people 
throughout the country. 

LEAVES U. S. DURING PRESIDENCY 

In November, 1906, President Roosevelt visited the Pana¬ 
ma Canal Zone, afterward sending a special message to 
Congress on the work. It was the first instance of a Presi¬ 
dent of the United States going outside of the country durino- 
his term of office. 

Mr. Roosevelt made an attempt to prosecute a rigorous 
warfare against the aggressions of industrial monopolies, and 
all the resources of the Department of Justice were brought 
into activity to regulate the trusts in the interests of all the 
people. That the Federal Government might have larger 
control and supervision of the affairs of all corporations he 
strongly advocated effectual legislation. 

A fleet of sixteen battleships under his instructions sailed 
for a voyage around the world on December 16, 1907, receiv- 
fng great honor^ at the various Latin-American posts, the 
cities of Australia, and by the Japanese on October 25, 1908 

President Roosevelt’s protest against a bill of the Cali¬ 
fornia Assembly, 1909, depriving Japanese children of equal 
privil6g6s in tli6 public schools h3.(i due weight, und prevented 
the enactment of a measure disapproved by Japan. 

Mr. Roosevelt declined all overtures for reelection and 
retired from office IMarch 4. 1909, after a period of seven and 
one-half years as President of the United States, and an 
unbroken period of twenty years of executive work. The 
9-^uiinistration of President Roosevelt was characterized 
Uiroughout by the principle of giving every man a “square 
deal. 

ROOSEVELT’S AFRICAN EXPEDITION 

An expedition to Africa to hunt and gather specimens of 
rare animals for the Smithsonian Institution, w'hich provided 
the outfitting of the expedition, was planned before the 
expiration of his presidential term. Over ten thousand skins 
have been received With his son Kermit he sailed from 
M3.rch 23, 1909, and disembarked at Mombasa 
British East Africa. He made his way up the country intc 
L ganda with a large caravan. Upon his return trip he de- 
livered a number of lectures in various educational centers 
in Egypt and Europe, receiving distinguished honors, anc 
returned home in June, 1910, after a most successful expedi 
tion.^ Upon his arrival in New Y'ork he w'as given the larges 
ovation ever extended to any man in America. 
































THE STORY OF OU 


R POLITICAL PARTIES 


Their Origin 


Party Principies—S 


ate and Nationai Influence—Destination 


ORIGIN OF OUR POLITICAL PARTIES 

Political division in the United States had its origin in 
the dissensions that arose among the states prior to the 
adoption of the Constitution in 1790. Tlie main question in 
dispute was whether a centralized form of government should 
be adopted or the "lirm league of friendship” between tlie 
states should endure, llesolved to simpler terms, the Issue 
was between states’ riglits and nationalism. 

So strong had been the feeling against a powerful cen¬ 
tralized government and so jealous were the several states 
for tlie sanctity of their so-called ‘'rights.” that even in the 
early turmoil of the Revolutionary AVar they held themselves 
more or less apart, maintaining each a kind of separateness 
of government. 

Finally, in 1777, Congress adopted a plan for a perma¬ 
nent confederation. According to this jilan, each state had 
but one vote in the Congress. Yet so jealous were the sev¬ 
eral states for their independence that it was more than 
three years after its passage before this "league of friend¬ 
ship” was agreed to by all the states. 

It was a lamentably weak confederation. The states 
retained practicallj sovereign powers, and almost no author¬ 
ity was vested in the central government. Thus it was tlie 
privilege of the sta’es to levy and collect all taxes and im¬ 
posts, recruit all military forces, equip and arm tliem and 
organize them into regiments. Congress had no power at its 
command to enforce its enactments. It had tlie sole right 
to declare war, but was dependent on state legislation for 
n:^or>r.v nien and arms. It could contract public debts, but 
was d^endeiif si'>4.«> Jfwi-slation for means to pay even 

the interest on what it owed. ThoWiy.’r .it was the tribunal of 
last resort between the states, it had iWw^jower tn enforce 
its decrees. Empowered to make treaties wiTh foreign jiOw- 
ers, it was dependent upon the state Legislatures for tlt« 
enforcement of the terms of such treaties when made. More¬ 
over, each state possessed the right to a protective tariff 
and a navigation act of its own, and could tax the transit 
of ships and products from other states across its boundary 
line. It is not to be wondered at that this loose confedera¬ 
tion should become the scoff of Europe and the despair of 
the nation. 

AVhen it became evident that the young nation was 
plunging to ruin, a convention was called at Philadelphia in 
1787 to form a new Constitution. George Washington was 
chosen its president. Dissensions arose at once among the 
delegates. Some opposed any change that might detract 
from the relative powers of the states. Others, notably the 
Virginia delegates, were determined that a strongly federal 
force of government should be formed. They had come pre¬ 
pared with a plan of government, drafted by Madison, which 
was revolutionary yet adequate. In this crisis were born two 
parties. Those who favored a strong central government 
were styled Federalists, while those who wished the old 
confederation to be preserved were known as anti-Fed- 
eralists. A majority of the delegates, including Washington, 
Franklin, Madison. Hamilton and Jefferson, were Federalists. 
Their will prevailed and the immortal Constitution was 
adopted in 1790. 

In the debates which preceded the adoption of the Con¬ 
stitution, the dark shadow of the slavery issue arose to 
perpetuate the political division of the nation. Also the 
first disputes over the tariff question were heard at this 
session. 

FEDERALISTS AND ANTI-FEDERALISTS 

Though there was at first a slight confusion over party 
names, they -u’ere simplified at the time of Washington’s 
inauguration and only the Federalists and antl-Federalists 
need be considered. At once there was a shifting of mem¬ 
bership and there has been no direct unbroken continuation 
of party lines. Party division has always been most clearly 
seen in the nomination and election of Presidents. Previous 
to 1804 each elector cast two votes. The candidate receiving 
the largest number was declared President, the next largest 
number Vice-President. Washington twice received the 
unanimous vote of all the electors—69 in 1789 and 132 in 
1792. 'The first real party conflict came in 1796 between John 
Adams, Federalist, and Thomas Jefferson, the leader of the 
antl-Federalists or Republicans. Adams won out, but the 
contest was renewed in 1800, when Jefferson was successful 
after the election, because of a tie vote, was thrown into the 
House of Representatives. 

EARLY REPUBLICANS 

In 1804, the Constitution having been amended, the elec¬ 
tors voted for a President and Vice-President. Jefferson, 
Republican, received 162 electoral votes, Charles C. Pinckney, 
Federalist, 14. The Federalists, who had been in control of 
the government for twelve years, continued in the minority, 
the Republicans electing James Madison in 1808 over Pinck- 
nev; Madison in 1812 over DeAVitt Clinton, Federaiist, James 
Monroe in 1816 over Rufus King, Federalist, and Monroe in 
1820 over John Quincy Adams, another Republican, the latter 
receiving only one electoral vote. The Fedetalist party had 
now become practically extinct and a marked unanimity pre¬ 
vailed, resulting in the “Era of good feeling.” 

DEMOCRATS 

To the Republicans had been given also the name Demo¬ 
crats, at first in derision and contempt, but the name and 
also the term Democrat-Republican was accepted, and 
though all the candidates up to 1824 were generally known 
as Republicans, when John Quincy Adams defeated Andrew 
Jackson, the election again being thrown into the House of 
Representatives because of no majority of the electoral vote, 
in 1828 the followers of Jackson were known as Democrats 
and their opponents as National Republicans. 

NATIONAL REPUBLICANS 

These party terms were continued in 1832, when Jackson 
defeated Henry Clay. Not only the National Republicans, 
but several minor factions of the Democratic party were op¬ 
posed to Jackson, uniting by 1836 into the Whig party, having 
for its first candidate AVilliam H. Harrison, who was defeated 
by Martin Van Buren, the candidate of the Democrats. ^ 


I Edited By Francis Curtis — . 

i See Pages 2-3-6-7 — For Diagrammatic 


America's Foremost Political Historian 1 

:^hart of All Parties — From the Revolution to the Present I 


WHIGS 

In 1840 Harrison defeated Van Buren and th 
obtained control of ail branches of the governmOnt.l 
James K. Polk, Democrat, defeated the Whig cf 
Henry Clay, but in 1848 the Whigs were again su 
electing Zachary Taylor over Lewis Cass, the Dc 
candidate. The Whig party, however, began to det 
in 1852 Franklin I’ierce, Democrat, easily defeated 
Scott, the Whig candidate. 

In 1854 the Republican party had its birth in mai 
tlirough independent movements organized to opj 
extension of slavery, becoming a national party in Is' 
which time we have had in opposition the two great 
parties. Democratic and Repubiican. 


MINOR PARTIES 

Previous to the Civil War minor parties were 
duration and acted either as a means of transition f 
party to another or as the basis and nucleus of a ne' 
There were no conventions or platforms till 1832, 
tions being made for the most part by Congressiona 
or a concurrence of state Legislatures. 


Whigs 
In 1844 
ididate, 
cessful, 
locratic 
ine and 
A’infield 

v states 
ose the 
>6, since 
ijolitical 


of 


brief 
I’om one 
V party, 
iiomina- 
caucus 


PARTY DISTINCTION 


I 


No generation of party principles will hold uj^iformly 
true in the early years of the Republic. AVith everj^ admin- 
isitration came new problems, their solution dividing parties 
into factions and making strict party lines difficult U t^ace 
A Federalifit in 1900 was by no means the same as a l-'pjjpi.al ' 
ist before th® .Constitution. Perhaps there is no dij-j ' 
quite so general as that shown by the constructior^ ^ 
Constitution ditrtng the formation period of the Govi 
The Federalist—Whig — Republican division favored ' broad 
construction and Idfger national powers, while the 
eralist — Democrat -RSjpublican— Democratic division ffyored a 
strict construction, stMe.s’ rights and greater indivtf jjg^j 
erty and freedom from g! 5 vernment restraint. 


THE TAMMANY SOCIETY | 

The Tammany Society, or cSl^uibian Order, 
ganized in New Y'ork City in 1789 ^^Ss^^purely patriLjg 

non-partisan organization. It became^^^^^ tion of 

great political power. Its adherents were sQuietimef j^jjgwn 
as “Bucktails,” from an ornament which ithey 
wore during political campaigns. The societ/lAnal 
under the control of political managers, who it the 

central organization of the Democratic party in c’tv of 
New Y'ork. ^ / 


BARNBURNERS—FREE-SOILERS 

The party finally merged into the Free-Soil party, which 
nominated A^an Buren in 1848. These supporters of A'an Buren 
were at first a faction of the Democratic party in New York, 
who resented the determination of the Southern leaders not 
to nominate A^an Buren in 1844. They were called “Barn¬ 
burners” and the opposition faction “Hunkers.” Both fac¬ 
tions withdrew from the Democratic convention of 1848, the 
Barnburners joining the remnant of the Liberty party and 
calling themselves Free-Soilers. In 1852 tliey nominated 
John P. Hale, who was known as a Free-Soil Democrat. The 
Free-Soil party carried no state, but had during its existence 
from 15 to 20 representatives in Congress. It merged com¬ 
pletely into the Republican party, which grew out of the 
movement to oppose the extension of Slavery into the terri¬ 
tories of Nebraska and Kansas. 

AMERICANS OR KNOW-NOTHINGS 

The sentiment against aliens was so acute in 1852 when 
the AA’hig party was breaking up that a movement of secret 
character gained the strength of a national political party 
called the “American or Know-Nothing” party. The latter 
name was used because of the secretive character of the 
meetings. The tenet of the party was “America for Amer¬ 
icans” and its members held aloof from any discussion of the 
Slavery question. In 1856, it nominated Millard Fillmore for 
President, but carried only Maryland, though a popular vote 
of 784,000 was gained. By 1860 the party had become dis¬ 
integrated and lost in the two great opposing divisions. Re¬ 
publican and Democratic. 

REPUBLICANS 

The large popular and electoral vote gained for the first 
candidate of the Republican party, John C. Fremont, in 1856, 
showed that a new politicai division was formed of nearly 
equal strength with the Democratic division. The Repub¬ 
licans were successful in every subsequent election till 1884^=^ 
electing in succession Lincoln twice. Grant twice, Hayes and 
Garfield. ^ In 1884 Grover Clevelanti, Democrat, defeated 
James G. Blaine, Republican, but whs defeated by Benjamin 
Harrison, Republican, in 1888. Cle,?eland was again success¬ 
ful in 1892 over Harrison. In 1894 and 1900 AVilliam McKinley, 
Republican, defeated AA’illiam J. Bryan, Democrat, and in 
1904 Theodore Roosevelt; Republican, defeated Alton B. 
Parker, Democrat. 

DIVIDED DEMOCRATS AND THE UNION PARTY 

In 1860 the Democratic party \ias divided into Northern 


CLINTONIANS 

In 1812 the opposition to Madison united in support of 
DeAA^'itt Clinton, a Republican, and were called “Clint j Qians.” 
The Federalists made no nomination, but joined the/jiscon- 
tented Republicans in opposition to Madison, but his'Success 
brought an end to the “Clintonians.” 


and Southern factions, Stephen A. Douglas being the candi¬ 
date of the former and John C. Breckinridge of the latter. 
John Bell was nominated by the “Constitutional Union 
Party,” composed largely of AA^higs who had not become 
amalgamated with either the Republicans or Democrats. 

PATRONS OF HUSBANDRY 


PEACE PARTY j 

During the AA^ar of 1812 a faction of the Federal gts was 
known as the “Peace Party,” but before any definitl niove- 
ment had been planned and executed the war ended a.jd with 
it the party. j 


NULLIFICATION 

The strict construction idea was exemplified by tli 
fication party of South Carolina, led by Hayne and 
who, though they agreed in the general principle, d 
in regard to method. Many Southern leaders, partici 
South Carolina, believed that the high tariffs of 1824 
were detrimental to Southern industrial Interests anc 
an Ordinance of Nullification was passed by South 


but the movement was crushed out by President 
and the Ordinance was repealed after the Compromi 
was adopted. 

ANTI-MASON 


e Nulli- 
alhoun, 
Fagreed 
larly in 
.=Ind 1828 
in 1832 
arolina, 
lackson 
e tariff 


In 1826 excitement in New York state over the dis 
ance of one AA’illiam Morgan, who threatened to mak 
the secrets of Free Masonry, resulted in a so-calh 
Masonic party. The movement became quite for 
presenting a ticket of its own in 1832. but gained ( 
electoral vote of Vermont and was swallowed up in tl 
party, remaining, however, a powerful faction of tha 
electing its candidate for governor in Pennsylvania 

LOCO-FOCOS 

The Loco-Focos, so named because they lighted 
matches when the lights were turned out in the coi 
hall, were at first a faction of the Democratic party 
Y'ork growing out of the so-cailed Equal Rights pa 
posed to the state banking system. The name Loc 
was at times applied to the whoie Democratic party, 
adoption by A^an Buren of the sub-treasury system 
harmony and an end to the faction and name. 


LIBERTY PARTY 

Anti-Slavery and abolition sentiment existed fi 
earliest years of the Republic, Garrison, Lundy and j 
however, crystallized all movements into one anti 
Society in 1835-1836, which gradually merged into the 
party of 1839 which in 1840 nominated James G. Bii 
President. In 1844 Birney was again nominated, hi: 
dacy losing New York state and thus enabling Polk t 
Clay, the AA'^hig candidate. 


appear- 
public 
d anti- 
nidable, 
-nly the 
e AA'hig 
: party, 
;n 1835. 


hcofoco 
vention 
n New 
rty op- 
o-Focos 
but the 
brought 


em the 
jovejoy. 
Slavery 
Liberty 
ney for 
candi- 
defeat 


The “Grange” Movement—Patrons of Husbandry—organ¬ 
ized in 1867, grew into powerful cooperative lodges of farmers. 

The Movement had its origin under President Johnson, who 
appointed a commission consisting of O. H. Kelley and AY. M. 
Saunders, both of the Bureau of Agriculture, to investigate 
the agricultural and mineral resources of the South. 

It was discovered that agriculture was in a state of great 
depression all through the South, consequent upon the 
changes created by the Civil AA'ar. There was ^so at this 
time a serious dissatisfaction among the farmers'throughout 
the AA'est and great Northwest in regard to the heavv freight 
rates and unjust discriminations made by the railroads in 
transporting the farmers’ products. 

It was also charged by the farmers that middlemen ex¬ 
acted exorbitant prices for agricultural machinery. Kelley 
and Saunders, both being Masons, conceived the idea of 
organizing the farmers into a secret society, on the same 
line as the Masons and Odd Fellows, to be known as the 
“Patrons of Husbandry” and the local lodges to be knowm 
as ‘[granges.” The movement became very popular and 
w'ithin a few years extended its organization into almost 
every state and territory in the Union, becoming a force of 
mighty power. 

The movement, while not a political party, exerted a 
tremendous influence upon state and national legislation, 
especially w'ith reference to a wide range of questions bear¬ 
ing upon the great agricultural industry of the country, 
emancipating the farmer from many unjust burdens and 
unfair discriminations. 

As a result of the movement, the Department of Agri¬ 
culture at AA''ashington w'as created in 1888, and the Secre¬ 
tary of Agriculture made a member of the President’s 
cabinet. 

The service of the Department of Agriculture has been 
of incalculable value to the agricultural interests of the 
country. 


LIBERAL REPUBLICANS 

In 1870 a so-called Liberal Republican movement origi¬ 
nated in Missouri and its leaders in 1872 nominated Horace 
Greeley, who -u-as Indorsed by the Democratic convention. 
Certain so-Called straight out Democrats refused to support 
Greeley and nominated Charles O’Conor. 

LABOR PARTIES 

Beginning in 1888, there has been one or two so-called 
national Labor parties in the field which have also main¬ 
tained state organizations. The Labor party reallv dates 
back to the Trades Unions of 1870 and the National People’s 
Union which foilowed. 


PROHIBITION 

The Prohibitionist party was organized in 1876, nomi¬ 
nating Green Clay Smith of Kentucky for President and 
poliing 9,522 votes. It has made nominations religiously 
ever since, but in no national election has the whole vote 
polled by the party exceeded 260,000. Indirectly, however, 
the party has no doubt inspired the recent prohibition legis¬ 
lation in the several states. 

GREENBACKS 

In order to meet the expenses of the Civil AA'ar, the 
United States government had issued irredeemable paper 
money, called greenbacks. So much of this money was 
issued that it declined in value 50 per cent, while the value 
of all commodities rose proportionately, causing much dis¬ 
tress. In 1875 Congress provided for the redemption of these 
greenbacks in gold on January 1, 1879. Instantly the green¬ 
backs became as valuable as gold, while the market price 
of all commodities went down. Many persons who believed 
that an abundance of “cheap money” would bring prosperity 
to the country by high prices for food and clothing were 
opposed to the resumption of specie payments, as the re¬ 
demption of greenbacks in gold was called. They formed the 
“Greenback party” in 1876 and were a force of importance 
in the politics of the next feiv years, but the party died after 
the election of 1884. 


PEOPLE’S PARTY AND POPULISTS 

The passage by Congress in 1890 of the Sherman Act,’ 
which required the Secretary of the Treasury to buy 4,500,000 
ounces of silver every month at the market price and to 
issue Treasury notes in payment, w'hich should be legal 
tender for all debts, and which should be redeemable in 
either gold or silver, resulted in an alarming condition of the 
national Inances. The people hoarded their gold and silver 
declined in value 40 per cent. Opposition to the Sherman 
Act on the part of the majority was met by the formation 
in the silver-producing states of the People’s or Populistic 
party. This party in the presidential election of. 1892 cast 
1,122,000 votes for James B. AA'eaver, its nominee. The 
Populists merged with the Democrats in 1896 and went 
down to defeat with AY. J. Bryan. 

SOCIALISTS 

Socialism, which had its birth in Europe and must not 
be confounded with anarchism, became a factor in American 
politics in 1892, when the Socialist Labor party put a presi-' 
dential ticket in the field. Four years later a split occurred 
and the Socialist party w'as formed, both parties putting 
forth national, state and municipal tickets. The Socialist 
party in the presidential campaign of 1908 polled 420,793 
votes, the Socialist Labor party casting 31,249. The Social¬ 
ists have elected many mayors and minor municipal officers, 
and in 1911 elected their first member of Congress. The 
Socialists form a constructive, not a destructive party, as 
many have erroneously assumed. Their principal theory of 
politics is that not only the machinery of government, but 
the means of production as well, should be controlled by the 
whole people. Their principal political demands are; Equal 
suffrage for all adult men and w'omen; equal pay for equal 
W'ork to men and women employed by the state or any of its 
subdivisions; the initiative, referendum, proportional repre¬ 
sentation and right of recall; home rule for municipalities; 
direct election of all public magistrates by the people; the 
extension of inheritance taxes, and a graduated income tax. 

AMERICAN PROTECTIVE ASSOCIATION 

A revival of the sentiment against aliens gave birth in 
1895 to the American Protective Association, a political or¬ 
ganization which worked in secret lodges and dominated the 
Republican party in several states, notably in Massachusetts, 
where it gained control of the Legislature and elected several 
mayors. Its influence began to wane in 1898 at the outbreak 
of the Spanish-American war. 


GOLD DEMOCRATS 

In 1896 those Democrats who opposed the silver plank of 
the Democratic platform and who did not support YIcKinley 
were 'called Gold Democrats and nominated John M. Palmer 
for President. 


The Progressive Political Party had its birth as a pro¬ 
test against the action of the National Republican Committee 
in ruling out what were claimed to be regularly and right¬ 
eously elected Roosevelt delegates to the National Conven- 
tion of 1912. Delegates pledged to support the nomination 
for President, Ex-President Theodore Roosevelt, attended the 
convention but refused to vote. Immediately following the 
adjournment of the Republican Convention, Roosevelt dele¬ 
gates assembled in an adjoining hall and formed the Pro¬ 
gressive Party, unanimously nominating Hon. Theodore 
Roosevelt as their candidate for President of the United 
States. The party was nicknamed the “Bull Moose Party ” 
from the aggressive personality of its candidate. In its firk 
general election the party cast 4,119,507 ballots, or over half a 
million more than the entire Republican vote. 

PASSES TO DEMOCRATIC CONTROL 

In 1904 the Republican and Democratic parties polled 94 
per cent of the total vote cast and the 59th Congress con¬ 
fined only members of the two great parties. The 60tl; 
Congress, 1907-1909, had a substantial Republican majority 
in both houses, as did the 61st. But at the election of 1910 
majority of over 60 was returned to the Houst 
of Representatives, including one Socialist, and the Repub¬ 
lican majority in the Senate reduced to 10. 

AATth the inauguration of President AA'oodrow AAYlson- 
Democrat—March 4, 1913, both houses of the National Con 
gress had a Democratic majority. 




















America’s Principles of Moral Law 

The Government Confronted With Great Pro 


Moulding International Policies 

blems Effecting the People’s Welfare 


I ADM IN I S T R AT I ON OF WILLIAM H. TAFT? 

I TWENTY-SEVENTH PRESIDENT—FOUR YEARS—1909-13—REPUBLICAN PARTY IN POWER ? 
j INTERNATIONAL PRIZE COURT ESTABLISHED—LEGISLATION EFFECTING PUBLIC INTEREST t 

In June, 1908, William H. Taft received the Republican 
nomination for President, and immediately resigned 

tary of ^^ar. At the following IMovember election he received 
the popular vote, and 321 out of 438 electoral votes. Follow¬ 
ing his inauguration on AXarch 4, 1909, he called Congress in 
extra session to revise the tariff, on August 5 the l>ayne- 
Aldrich bill became law', notwithstanding many Republicans 
voted against it on the stand that it was not according to 
party pledges to revise the tariff downward. On September 
14, Air. 1 aft started on a speechmaking tour of the Pacilic 
Coast, covering on his return the Southw'est, much of the 
Alississippi Valley, and the South Atlantic States. He was 
met at El Paso, Texas, by President Diaz of Mexico. 

Ihis national policy, as declared in recommendations to 
Congress and in public addresses, included the Corporation 
lax—which was substituted in the Payne Tariff Law for the 
proposed inheritance tax; the Federal Income Tax—which 
nmst be ratified by three-fourths of the states to become 
effective: the Central Bank; the Colonization of Alaska under 
a Government of Commission; a Commerce Court and other 
devises to control railroads; ship subsidies; conservation; and 
postal savings banks. He formed a Budget Commission in 
the Cabinet, and influenced the Senate to establish a perma- 
nent Committee on Public Expenditures, with the object of 
adjusting eQuitably the demands upon the public treasury. 

Mr. Taft on March 7, 1911, accepted the resignation of Secre- 
tary of the Interior Richard A. Ballinger, and appointed 
Walter S. Fisher as his successor. 

President Taft procured much important legislation, in¬ 
cluding a conservation law under which his withdrawals of 
water power sites, phosphate, petroleum, and coal lands 
amounted in 1912 to about 125,000 square miles; and he de¬ 
clared himself in favor of the policy of having the Govern¬ 
ment hold all mineral-bearing lands and lease concessions 
to develop them. Congress gave him $250,000 for tariff board 
expenses to investigate the cost of production at home and 
abroad, in the Interest of a more scientific revision of the 
tariff. The reciprocity legislation requested by the Presi¬ 
dent went through the House about tw'o weeks after, but the 
Senate delayed passage until late in July. Tw'o months later 
Canadian politics, influenced by certain gigantic forces in the 
United States, dealt the measure a death-blow. 

The Democratic House now began a tariff reform pro¬ 
cedure of its own, after having accepted the President’s defy 
to support his reciprocity plans. The Progressive Repub¬ 
licans in the Senate united with the Democrats to further 
this procedure; and before the end of the extra session Con¬ 
gress passed bills reducing duties in the wool and cotton 
schedules, and placing on the free list a number of mate¬ 
rials used largely by farmers. All three w'ere vetoed by the 
President—the W'ool bill because the cost of production had 
not yet been reported upon by his Tariff Board, and the 
other tw'o on the ground that they were loosely drawn. The 
bills were not repassed over the veto. At the regular session 
following the House Tariff Board reported on wool and sev¬ 
eral other measures, and the contest for lower duties was 
renewed. Revised bills of the steel, wool and cotton sched- 
to die, and withheld approval from the other two, stating as 
ules were passed: but the President permitted the last one 


his reason that the industries concerned were not sufficiently 
protected. The loyalty of the Senate to the President and 
his opposing Democratic Congress came about by the at¬ 
tempts on the part of the hostile Congress to engraft meas¬ 
ures of new and permanent legislation upon the annual 
appropriation biils. The President met the crises victoriously. 
The most prominent cases were those of the army bili, which 
was designed at first to legislate the chief of staff, Gen. 
Leonard Wood, out of office; and the legislative, executive, 
and judicial bill, containing provisions abolishing the Com¬ 
merce Court, and iimiting the tenure of employees in the 
classified civil service of the Government generally to seven 
years. When these bills had been vetoed. Congress passed 
new budget bills with the offensive features expunged. In 
connection with the attempt to wipe out the Commerce 
Court, Judge Archibald of that tribunal was impeached by 
the House on various charges of corruption; the Supreme 
Court, while disposing at this time of a matter concerning 
railroad regulation, rebuked the Commerce Court for over¬ 
stepping its authority and interfering with matters under the 
Inter-State Commerce Commission. 

In foreign relations the Administration made notable rec¬ 
ord. The long-delayed Canadian fisheries question was set¬ 
tled. The international boundary between the United States 
and Mexico at a point near El Paso, Texas, was settled by 
the purchase of a strip of land whose ownership was uncer¬ 
tain. A treaty for the protection of seals in the North Pacific 
Ocean and Bering Sea was signed and ratified by Great 
Britain, Russia, Japan and the United States. The Govern¬ 
ment joined other leading world powers in establishing an 
international prize court. The Senate voted to extend the 
principles of the Alonroe Doctrine to cover the possession by 
foreign corporations of territory on the American Continent 
suitable for conversion into military or naval bases. The 
commercial treaty of 1832 was denounced by the Government 
of the United States o- account of the ill treatment of Jewish 
travellers in Russia holding United States passports. An 
act of Congress for the admission of American-owned ships 
to the use of the Panama Canal free of tolls of $1.25 per net 
registered ton levied on others, and debarring vessels owned, 
directly or indirectly, by railroad companies, was passed 
notwithstanding the protest of the British Government and 
a large element of the American press, which was signed 
and defended by the President, with the assurance that in 
regulating Canal tolls, the United States had no intention of 
violating the Hay-Pauncefote treaty. 

The partisan opponents of Mr. Taft expressed themselves 
on his retirement in the highest terms of appreciation. They 
refer to the Payne-Aldrich tariff as his single conspicuous 
blunder and hasten to record the triumphs of his administra¬ 
tion In the strongest language; “He was a constitutional 
magistrate, governing by law and not by caprice. He gave 
us the greatest Supreme Court since the days of Marshall 
and Story. He was the first President to enforce the crim¬ 
inal clauses of the Sherman Act. He powerfully supported 
the cause of arbitration. He worked for reciprocity, sup¬ 
pressed jingoism, promoted Civil Service reform, and had 
regard for economy.” In his retirement, he took with him 
the good will and respect of all who knew, and could appre¬ 
ciate what he struggled to do for the public good. 


At 

TW 

IMI 


JMINISTRATION OF WOODROW W ILS ON \ 

ENTY-EIGHTH PRESIDENT— YEARS—1913- —DEMOCRATIC PARTY IN POWER | 

ORTANT TARIFF AND CURRENCY LEGISLATION—ACUTE DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS • 


Althi 
vote, he 
college. 

Aftei 
called a ; 
to impro 

In t’ 
annount 
efficiencj 
the indi' 
concern! 
the groui 
unjust m 

The 1 
istration 
posed “!: 
that the 
Chinese 
Bryan t 
Japan, u, 
as not to 
the necef 
in his del 
and part' 

Presii 
act, kno\ 
passed b, 
new law 
the first : 

In th 
Federal 1 
Banks, i 
quired ti 
located i 
created'” 
seven me] 
the Com 
appoint 


13 






lugh Woodrow Wilson received a minority of the popular 
was elected by an overwhelming majority of the electoral 

his inauguration of March 4, 1913, President Wilson 
pecial session of Congress to prepare a new tariff law and 
ve the currency system, 

> first months of his administration President Wilson’s 
d policy was the promotion of individual enterprise and 
, the direct appeal to the good judgment and honor of 
idual, the state, or the nation whose interests may be 
1. He opposed protection, subsidies, and bounties, on 
id that they tended to diminish self-reliance, and to the 
duopolies of the trusts. 

efusal of the President on the first month of his admin- 
to request American bankers to participate in the pro- 
ix-Power ” loan to China was based upon his judgment 
conditions infringed upon the national prerogative of the 
Republic. In April, 1913, he sent Secretary of State 
) California to avoid threatened complications with 
ging the governor and Legislature to amend the act so 
embarrass, the National Government. He emphasized 
sity of the forms of law and constitutional government 
lared policy with regard to Central and South Americ’^^ 
cularly Mexico. 

lent Wilson, on October 3, 1913, approvei’d the new tariff 
■n as the Underwood-Simmons Tariff Law, which was 
/ Congress sitting in special ^cWSion from April 7th. The 
riakes a radical change in U: .nted States tariff history — 
n over half a century to »make generally lower duties. 

e same year, 19Jf3, the new administration passed the 
leserve Acb ;reating a new system of Federal Reserve 
i which al! 1 National Banks in the United States are re¬ 
hold stoock. There are twelve of these Reserve Banks, 
,1 tw>=ave important cities. The entire financial system 
y Rfhe Act is managed by the Federal Reserve Board of 
Imbers, two of whom, the Secretary of the Treasury and 
:)troller of the Currency, are ex officio members, and five 
il by the President, 


A third law of general interest passed by the Wilson Adminis¬ 
tration was the Income Tax Bill, made possible by the sixteenth 
amendment to the Constitution. The report of the Secretary of 
the Treasury, dated October 22, 1914, shows that 357,598 persons 
made returns under this law, and of these 44 reported incomes 
of over one million dollars. 

During the first half of the Wilson Administration more com¬ 
plicated questions of foreign relations forced themselves upon the 
attention of the President than usually fall to the lot of a presi¬ 
dent during his entire term of office. The Mexican situation was 
inherited from the Taft regime. Chaos has reigned in Mexico for 
the past five years. Mr. Wilson has been accused of having no 
settled policy toward that distracted country, and public opinion 
is much divided on the wisdom of his course. He refused to rec¬ 
ognize Huerta, because of the way in which he rose to power, and 
at the present time he has recognized no leader as President of 
Mexico because no one has demonstrated his abilitK to 
his rivals and establish an orderly 

phase of our Mexican relations^ 
party of Mexicans who tr ^ party of Americans from a navy 
launch flying the States flag, on April 9, 1914, at Tampico. 

Admiral M'’^yQ demanded their immediate release, and a salute 
of twen* guns. The men were released, but Huerta refused 

to salute. Shortly afterward, to prevent German arms from 
reaching Huerta, Admiral Fletcher occupied Vera Cruz. To solve 
the tangle resulting from conditions in Mexico, the United 
States invited the representatives of Argentine, Brazil, and Chile 
to act as a board of mediation. The mediators met at Niagara 
Falls, Ontario, during the summer of 1914. Because Carranza 
would not agree to an armistice, little was accomplished, and be¬ 
cause Huerta was rapidly approaching the end of his power, the 
task of the mediators vanished. Since then the policy of PresL 
dent Wilson has been to allow the Mexicans to work out their own 
salvation. 

Since mid-summer, 1914, the attitude of the government of 
the United States toward the warring nations, and particularly 
toward the German submarine policy, and the British policy re¬ 
garding neutral commerce, has overshadowed every other problem 
of the Wilson Administration. 


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